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This doctoral thesis describes a program of research that investigated the social psychological consequences of being a victim of discrimination. A series of four experiments with women, Asians, and Blacks examined how disadvantaged group numbers perceive the discrimination that confronts them. These experiments first established that disadvantaged group members sometimes perceive discrimination but more often, minimize the discrimination that is directed at them personally. Second, the results explain why disadvantaged group members are inclined to minimize their personal experience with discrimination, Experiments 1 and 2 demonstrate that by minimizing discrimination, disadvantaged group members protect their state self-esteem in the social domain, and maintain the perception of control over social and performance outcomes in their lives. Experiment 3 indicates that when there is any ambiguity about having been discriminated against, disadvantaged group members who are low in performance self-esteem but higher in social self-esteem are especially inclined to minimize personal discrimination. Experiment 4 further reveals that disadvantaged group members who are high in performance perceived control and high in social perceived control are particularly prone to minimize discrimination in an achievement context. Thus, disadvantaged group members minimize the discrimination that confronts them because the consequences of doing so, are, on balance, psychologically beneficial. Three of the four psychological processes associated with minimizing personal discrimination are those typically linked with better psychological adjustment: high social self-esteem, high performance perceived control, and high social perceived control.

This thesis is designed to examine the effects of discrimination on its target. It aims to investigate the psychological, physical, perceptual and behavioral responses that individuals exhibit when faced with racist, sexist and heterosexist as well as other types of discriminatory acts. Through meta-analytic procedures, findings from existing studies investigating the impact of discrimination on the target were gathered and their average effect sizes calculated. A total of 50 empirical studies were identified, from which 84 effect sizes were derived. Using homogeneity analysis techniques, the studies' effect sizes were compared and analyzed. The results show significant heterogeneity in the overall mean effect size (0.38) of discrimination. Subsequent moderator variable investigations indicated that among discrimination acts, sexism had the highest mean effect size (0.64), while among the responses to discrimination, the perceptual factor showed the highest mean effect size (0.65). Additional moderator variables' investigations resulted in significant differences between Canadian and American settings in terms of discrimination acts and responses.

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To determine whether or not systematic desensitization treatment would produce a significant reduction in negative affect evoked by racial discrimination, 60 Mexican-American college students who scored above average on the Terrell Racial Discrimination Index were selected and assigned randomly to one of three treatment conditions: systematic desensitization (DS), therapist contact (TC), and no-treatment control (NTC). Before undergoing treatment, subjects completed the Background Information Questionnaire (BIQ), and three measures of negative affect: the Multiple Affect Adjective Check List (MAACL); the Profile of Mood States (POMS); and the Treatment Rating Scales (TRS). After concluding treatment, subjects completed the three measures of negative affect only. Results were nonsignificant with respect to two of the affect measures—the POMS and the MAACL. However, significant differentia1 treatment effects were observed for the TRS measure. Relative to the TC and NTC conditions, subjects in the DS condition evidenced significantly less anger, depression, and anxiety. No other group differences attained the level of statistical significance (p < .05). Several explanations are offered for the negative findings of the MAACL and POMS. These explanations include the possibility that the measures themselves are insensitive to treatment effects. Nevertheless, due to the significant findings of the TRS, it is concluded that systematic desensitization proves effective in alleviating the negative emotional responses of Mexican Americans to racial discrimination. The implications of these findings are discussed.

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The problem of this study involved the identification of white student teacher racial attitudes relative to blacks and whether these attitudes changed during the course of student teaching. The purpose of the study was to determine the nature of these racial attitudes, to determine if these attitudes were influenced by the experience of student teaching or the racial environment in which student teaching was accomplished, and, in light of the findings of the study, either to reinforce the manner in which racial attitudes are treated in traditional teacher preparation programs or suggest new directions in the curriculum that might lead to more realistic and desirable teacher attitudes. In light of the above findings, the following conclusions seem warranted: 1. The contact thesis of racial attitude change is confirmed. However, among experimental group subjects, the nature of the contact achieved was incongruous with what research has found to be most conducive to positive attitude change. 2. Racial attitudes are so deeply and emotionally embedded that attitude change, if it is to be accomplished, should be treated as a priority item, and any programmed attempt to alter racial prejudice should be comprehensive in design.

In this dissertation, I developed and validated the workplace racial microaggressions scale for Asians and Asian Americans, WRMS-AAA. This new scale measured the frequency of general and stereotype-based microaggressions that Asians experience in the workplace. General microaggressions are subtle forms of discrimination that could pertain to other minority groups, whereas stereotype-based microaggressions are subtle forms of discrimination that are based on stereotypes of Asians. In Phase 1, items were generated based on extant literature. These items were refined based on the feedback provided by subject matter experts who rated these items on relevancy, clarity, and provided other open-ended feedback. In phases 2 through 5, 351 participants completed a battery of measures including the WRMS-AAA and other measures to assess convergent, discriminant, and concurrent validity. These participants were then randomly split into two sample groups. In phase 2, an exploratory factor analysis using data from sample one (n = 180) revealed a four-factor structure for the WRMS-AAA. Two of these factors were general microaggressions, mistaken identity and not recognized, and the other two factors were stereotype-based microaggressions, ascription of math competency and submissiveness and lacking communication skills. In phase 3, using data from sample 2 (n=171) a confirmatory factor analysis provided further support for the four-factor structure. Both samples provided good internal consistency. In phase 4, the two samples were combined to examine the convergent and discriminant validity of the WRMS-AAA. The WRMS-AAA was highly related to the Workplace Incivility Scale (Cortina et al., 2013) and the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (Nadal, 2011), providing support for convergent validity. There was little to no correlation between the WRMS-AAA and social desirability, and there was a weak positive correlation between the WRMS-AAA and neuroticism, providing support for discriminant validity. In phase 5, the WRMS-AAA was correlated with organizational outcomes. The WRMS-AAA was negatively correlated with organizational support, commitment, and job satisfaction. Additionally, the WRMS-AAA was positively correlated with intention to quit and burnout. These correlations provided evidence of concurrent validity, further establishing the validity of the WRMS-AAA. Subtle forms of discrimination are different from explicit discrimination, in that they can be elusive. The WRMS-AAA is one of the only known scales to measure the general and specific subtle forms of discrimination in the workplace. Results and implications of this research are discussed.

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