This paper researches the changes that took place in Crimean economy after March 2014 with respect to the integration policies Russia has applied in that field. Based on the theories of economic integration and Russian regional development programs, economic development patterns of disputed territories and small island economies, as well as the influence of institutions on the economy, we find that ascension to Russia had for the peninsula its positive and negative effects with the prevalence of the latter. We also suggest that the political integration of Crimea was more successful than it was in economic dimension, because the existing investment constraints and lack of proper connection to the Russian mainland remain formidable obstacles on the way of region's successful integration and further development. We find that all economic development in Crimea depends on Russian subsidies and it is likely to remain this way because the region is underdeveloped by Russian standards. This is consistent with the idea that small island economies and disputed territories are over-dependent on the respective sponsor-state for the provision of economic stability.

El treball es centra en l’estudi de la nova forma d’organització interna amb que s’ha dotat el Moviment dels Treballadors Rurals Sense Terra - MST, representada en el territori per les conegudes com a ‘brigades’; en concret es tracta del cas de la Brigada Salvador Allende, que té el seu radi d’actuació en la Regió Nord-oest de l’estat meridional de Paraná. Els treballs de camp en assentaments i campaments, ens han permès dimensionar de quina manera la nova forma d’organització ha suposat un increment en el grau d’implicació i de participació de les famílies Sense Terra, i com d’aquest fet se’n deriva un augment significatiu en el grau de qualificació dels processos antagonistes que el MST protagonitza contra l’avanç del projecte capitalista per a l’agricultura brasilera. Ambdós models entren en conflicte al intentar implementar, en uns mateixos territoris, els respectius projectes de societat; ja sigui per continuar dedicant grans extensions de terra a la ramaderia bovina i al cultiu de canya de sucre o per reconvertir-les en petites explotacions familiars on es produeix aliments saludables. / El trabajo se centra en estudio de la nueva forma de organización interna con que se ha dotado el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra - MST, representada en el territorio por las conocidas como ‘brigadas’; en concreto se trata del caso de la Brigada Salvador Allende, que tiene su rayo de actuación en la Región Noroeste del estado meridional de Paraná. Los trabajos de campo en asentamientos y campamentos, nos han permitido dimensionar de que manera la nueva forma de organización ha supuesto un incremento en el grado de implicación y de participación de las familias Sin Tierra, y como de este hecho se deriva un aumento significativo en el grado de cualificación de los procesos antagonistas que el MST protagoniza contra el avance del proyecto capitalista para la agricultura brasileña. Los dos modelos entran en conflicto al intentar implementar, en unos mismos territorios, los respectivos proyectos de sociedad; ya sea para continuar dedicando grandes extensiones de tierra a la pecuaria bovina y al cultivo de caña de azúcar o para reconvertirlos en pequeñas explotaciones familiares donde se producen alimentos saludables. / The work focuses on studying the new form of internal organization that the Movement of Landless Rural Workers – MST has adopted, that is represented in the territory by what is known as the 'brigades', in particular, the case of the Brigade Salvador Allende, which has its strongest performance in the Northwest Region of the southern state of Parana. The field work in settlements and camps, has allowed us to dimensionate which is the new form of organization has led in to an increase in the degree of involvement and participation of landless families, and as of this fact results in a significant increase in the degree of qualification of the adversarial process that the MST stars against the advance of the capitalist project for Brazilian agriculture. The two models are in conflict cause they are trying to implement, in the same territories, the respective projects of society, either to continue to devote large tracts of land to livestock cattle and the cultivation of sugar cane or converting them into small family farms where they produce healthy food.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-27T18:23:25Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) COSTA_SAULO_BARROS_tese.pdf: 5095646 bytes, checksum: a517110a1cc907a14aa45c0889fc122d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-27T18:23:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) COSTA_SAULO_BARROS_tese.pdf: 5095646 bytes, checksum: a517110a1cc907a14aa45c0889fc122d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-20 / CAPES / A resistência e autonomia camponesa são elementos presentes nas ações de camponeses do Baixo Parnaíba Maranhense, diante do avanço do agronegócio de soja e eucalipto e, ainda, a contínua transformação do cerrado em florestas e campos. Nos anos 1990, este tipo de desenvolvimento se complexifica no Estado do Maranhão, com a migração de produtores do Sul do Estado para o Leste, como também do aumento das áreas cultivadas com pinos em municípios como Urbano Santos. Diversos conflitos ambientais e territoriais são desenvolvidos, transformando a diversidade de chapadas e baixões em espaços geográficos distantes. Empresas como a Suzano Papel e Celulose S. A. possuem papel central neste contexto, atrelando as áreas de cultivos, equipamentos industriais de transporte e logística, além da recém-­inaugurada planta industrial da empresa, em Imperatriz, Maranhão. Assim, o objetivo desta tese foi explicar as resistências dos camponeses que se estabelecem no âmbito do conflito territorial, frente ao incremento do cultivo de eucalipto no Baixo Parnaíba maranhense, no município de Urbano Santos, com aporte a Associação de Moradores São Raimundo. Como elemento desta pesquisa, a tese investigada foi que a luta e resistência dos camponeses se desenvolve frente à produção agroexportadora de eucalipto, afirmando como fundantes para sua reprodução: os usos da natureza, a posse histórica da terra e seu modelo produtivo, que entrelaça espaços tanto das chapadas quanto dos baixões, em um único território. Como resultado, observou-­se que a resistência concreta camponesa (SCOTT, 2013) possui a dimensão da autonomia e da luta, construída historicamente e materializada em ações que promovem mudanças radicais nas estruturas do Estado, assim como enfretamentos diretos com a empresa Suzano Papel e Celulose S. A. A lei do bacuri verde, que foi criada e aprovada pelo território da comunidade São Raimundo, município de Urbano Santos, Maranhão, em dezembro de 2012, com base nos princípios do extrativismo coletivo e diversificado, tem como princípio a luta contra o avanço dos plantios de eucalipto nos territórios de comunidades encurraladas multilateral e espacialmente na região. Esta lei revela a política que estes sujeitos tecem em suas práticas, demarcando seus modos de vida em vias do avanço do capitalismo agrário, consolidando o território camponês do Baixo Parnaíba a partir das suas representações espaciais das chapadas e dos baixões. Esta diversidade de usos e modos de vida de sujeitos e suas resistências internas pela preservação e uso do cerrado, descrevem outra polifonia na cartografia das resistências e dos territórios comunitários. / Peasant resistance and autonomy are elements present in the actions of peasants of Baixo Parnaíba from Maranhão against the soybean and eucalyptus agribusiness advance, and also the continuous change of cerrado in forests and fields. In the 1990s, this type of development is becoming more complex in the state of Maranhão with the migration from southern producers to the East of the state, as well as the increase of cultivated areas with pins in towns as Urbano Santos. Several environmental and territorial conflicts are developed, transforming the diversity of chapadas and baixões in distant geographical areas. Companies like Suzano Papel e Celulose S.A. has a central role in this context, linking to the areas of industrial crops the transport and logistics equipment, in addition to the newly opened industrial plant of the company in Imperatriz, Maranhão. Thus, the objective of this thesis was to explain the resistance of peasants who are established within the territorial conflict, against the increase of eucalyptus cultivation in the Baixo Parnaíba from Maranhão, in the town of Urbano Santos, with the contribution of the Dwellers Association of São Raimundo. As part of this research, the investigation of the thesis was the struggle and resistance developed by the peasants across the agro-­export production of eucalyptus, stating as foundational for their reproduction: the uses of the nature, the historical ownership of land and its productive model, which interweaves spaces of both chapadas and baixões in a single territory. As a result, it was observed that the peasant specific resistance (SCOTT, 2013) has the dimension of autonomy and struggle, historically built and materialized in actions that promote radical changes in state structures, as well as the direct confrontations with the company Suzano Papel and Celulose S.A. The law of the green bacuri, which was created and approved by the territory of São Raimundo’s community, in the town of Urbano Santos, Maranhão, in December 2012, was based on the principles: collective and diverse extraction, has as principle the fight against the advance of eucalyptus plantations in the territories of corralled communities multilateral and spatially in the region. This law reveals the policy that these subjects weave in their practices, demarcating their livelihoods in the process of the agrarian capitalism forward, consolidating the peasant territory of the Baixo Parnaíba from their spatial representations of chapadas and baixões. This diversity of uses and ways of life of individuals and their internal resistances for the preservation, and use of cerrado describe another polyphony in the mapping of resistance and community territories.