This dissertation endeavours to determine whether the concepts nationality and citizenship are interchangeable, or whether they each mean something very specific. In order to ascertain where the “origin” of using the terms nationality and citizenship interchangeably might have occurred, a closer look at antiquity and its practices is necessitated. The question is also addressed whether a person could be in possession of dual nationality and/or dual citizenship. The desirability of any dual status is also discussed and whether such dual status is to be tolerated and if yes, under which, if any, conditions. / Jurisprudence / LLM

This dissertation endeavours to determine whether the concepts nationality and citizenship are interchangeable, or whether they each mean something very specific. In order to ascertain where the “origin” of using the terms nationality and citizenship interchangeably might have occurred, a closer look at antiquity and its practices is necessitated. The question is also addressed whether a person could be in possession of dual nationality and/or dual citizenship. The desirability of any dual status is also discussed and whether such dual status is to be tolerated and if yes, under which, if any, conditions. / Jurisprudence / LLM

Since the fate of the Syrian/Assyrian minority that has fled Turkey has not received much attention in research, this thesis is made to recognize the group and their experiences as refugees, Christians, and citizens in their old and new countries of Turkey and Sweden. When talking about dual citizenship, in terms of previous research, researchers often argue about how migrants prefer to keep their former citizenship when moving to another country. According to scholars and policymakers, dual citizenship is a benefit since it, for instance, helps immigrants to naturalize into their country of settlement. However, this is not always the case. By interviewing nine Syrians/Assyrians from Turkey, who either hold dual citizenship (Swedish and Turkish citizenship) or only Swedish citizenship (former Turkish citizens), this thesis will focus on how the minority thinks, feels, reasons, and argues about dual citizenship. Because of a history filled with oppression, discrimination, violence, and death (the Syrian/Assyrian genocide in 1915) in Turkey, many Syrians/Assyrians did not want to keep the bond to their country of origin when migrating to Sweden. In the sense of security and safety, belonging, naturalization and integration, and loyalty, this study will focus on what dual citizenship means for the Syrian/Assyrian participants who came to Sweden in the 1970s and if they make use of the possibility to hold more than one citizenship. The main finding is that the minority feels safe and at home in Sweden and not in Turkey. Because of their lack of protection and rights as Christians in their country of origin, Sweden is, as they call it, their new home. Even if some of them hold dual citizenship, while others only have Swedish citizenship, the majority of the Syrian/Assyrian people do not feel any sense of attachment, feeling, or loyalty toward Turkey today. However, there are exceptions. By holding dual citizenship, those Syrians/Assyrians who misses the food, the climate, or the culture can visit their country of origin, whenever they want to, as citizens.

In the first paper, the effects of trade openness and conflict risk on income inequality are investigated. I obtain that the effect of trade openness on inequality depends on the level of conflict risk. More precisely, there exists a threshold effect: trade openness worsens income inequality in countries where the risk of internal and external conflicts is high. Moreover, I find that countries with higher risk of conflicts are more unequal, and that more ethnically diverse countries increase income inequality. Finally, I obtain that democratic regimes decrease inequality. In the second paper, we analyze the general-equilibrium consequences of property right enforcement in the natural resource sector. Assuming that exclusion requires both private and public enforcement efforts, we compare states that differ by their ability to provide protection services. This ability is referred to as state capacity. We obtain that public protection services can effectively act as either substitutes or complements to private enforcement, and this strongly depends on state capacity. Under low state capacity, an increase in state protection services leads to a drop in national income as labor is drawn away from the directly productive activities. The opposite holds for high-capacity states. As a result, public protection services have an ambiguous effect on national income even though they can unambiguously increase resource rents. In the third paper, we argue that the right to hold dual citizenship can generate important social and economic benefits beyond its political dimension. We assemble a large panel dataset on dual citizenship. We find that in developing countries, dual citizenship recognition increases remittance inflows by US$1.19 billion, GDP and household consumption, and improves child survival. In developed countries, however, dual citizenship recognition decreases remittance inflows by US$1.44 billion, but increases FDI by US$828 billion, raises household consumption, gross capital formation and trade, and provides incentives for skilled workers to move to other countries.

In the first paper, the effects of trade openness and conflict risk on income inequality are investigated. I obtain that the effect of trade openness on inequality depends on the level of conflict risk. More precisely, there exists a threshold effect: trade openness worsens income inequality in countries where the risk of internal and external conflicts is high. Moreover, I find that countries with higher risk of conflicts are more unequal, and that more ethnically diverse countries increase income inequality. Finally, I obtain that democratic regimes decrease inequality. In the second paper, we analyze the general-equilibrium consequences of property right enforcement in the natural resource sector. Assuming that exclusion requires both private and public enforcement efforts, we compare states that differ by their ability to provide protection services. This ability is referred to as state capacity. We obtain that public protection services can effectively act as either substitutes or complements to private enforcement, and this strongly depends on state capacity. Under low state capacity, an increase in state protection services leads to a drop in national income as labor is drawn away from the directly productive activities. The opposite holds for high-capacity states. As a result, public protection services have an ambiguous effect on national income even though they can unambiguously increase resource rents. In the third paper, we argue that the right to hold dual citizenship can generate important social and economic benefits beyond its political dimension. We assemble a large panel dataset on dual citizenship. We find that in developing countries, dual citizenship recognition increases remittance inflows by US$1.19 billion, GDP and household consumption, and improves child survival. In developed countries, however, dual citizenship recognition decreases remittance inflows by US$1.44 billion, but increases FDI by US$828 billion, raises household consumption, gross capital formation and trade, and provides incentives for skilled workers to move to other countries.

In the first paper, the effects of trade openness and conflict risk on income inequality are investigated. I obtain that the effect of trade openness on inequality depends on the level of conflict risk. More precisely, there exists a threshold effect: trade openness worsens income inequality in countries where the risk of internal and external conflicts is high. Moreover, I find that countries with higher risk of conflicts are more unequal, and that more ethnically diverse countries increase income inequality. Finally, I obtain that democratic regimes decrease inequality. In the second paper, we analyze the general-equilibrium consequences of property right enforcement in the natural resource sector. Assuming that exclusion requires both private and public enforcement efforts, we compare states that differ by their ability to provide protection services. This ability is referred to as state capacity. We obtain that public protection services can effectively act as either substitutes or complements to private enforcement, and this strongly depends on state capacity. Under low state capacity, an increase in state protection services leads to a drop in national income as labor is drawn away from the directly productive activities. The opposite holds for high-capacity states. As a result, public protection services have an ambiguous effect on national income even though they can unambiguously increase resource rents. In the third paper, we argue that the right to hold dual citizenship can generate important social and economic benefits beyond its political dimension. We assemble a large panel dataset on dual citizenship. We find that in developing countries, dual citizenship recognition increases remittance inflows by US$1.19 billion, GDP and household consumption, and improves child survival. In developed countries, however, dual citizenship recognition decreases remittance inflows by US$1.44 billion, but increases FDI by US$828 billion, raises household consumption, gross capital formation and trade, and provides incentives for skilled workers to move to other countries.