Wei and Chin Dynasties had been viewed as the most chaotic period characterized by changeable political situations, continuous wars, and difficult lives. In this period, the decline of classical studies and popularity of Daoism and Buddhism studies contributed to a very active world of ideas. Living in such a special time, scholars in Wei and Chin Dynasties could thus liberated their spirits, owned freedom of thoughts and beliefs, acted freely, and created arts with enthusiasm. In addition, they concretely built up a kind of distinguished and unique beauty of arts. This kind of special craze for the beauty of countenance and deportment as well as the beauty of inner verve not only shows certain historical characteristics and aesthetic perspectives during those periods, but also serves as a very important part of Chinese cultural history, and is therefore worth further investigations. This thesis looks deeply into Shih-Shuo Hsin-Yu, which vividly portrayed behaviors and appearances of famous scholars in Wei and Chin Dynasties. Based on literary documents talking about the real significance of ¡§famous scholars¡¨ in Wei and Chin Dynasties, this thesis concludes certain primary elements of being a famous scholar, which are ¡§superior knowledge,¡¨ ¡§unique personality,¡¨ ¡§ strict morality and magnanimity,¡¨ ¡§affections with wisdom,¡¨ ¡§free spirits,¡¨ and ¡§delicate appearance and behavior.¡¨ Also, famous scholars in Wei and Chin Dynasties can be divided into several types, which are ¡§free-spirit,¡¨ ¡§talkative,¡¨ ¡§physical and mental beauty,¡¨ ¡§encyclopedic,¡¨ and ¡§virtuous.¡¨ What¡¦s more, there are four attributes that can present the beauty of outward semblance, namely ¡§tall and slim,¡¨ ¡§beautiful face,¡¨ ¡§elegant expressions and delicate behaviors,¡¨ and ¡§fashionable clothes.¡¨ Last, in order to highlight the inner verve and noble spirits of those famous scholars in Wei and Chin Dynasties, they put emphasis on the aesthetic of ¡§portraying the inner verve from the semblance,¡¨ and ¡§observing the semblance to grasp the inner verve.¡¨ Even though famous scholars pursued physical beauty, they did not judge people from their appearance. Instead, they stressed the inner beauty of spirits which reflected from delicate semblance and behaviors. Therefore, anyone who ¡§acted without vulgarity,¡¨ ¡§owned handsome appearance and good shape,¡¨ ¡§ stood out above the rest,¡¨ ¡§possessed wisdom and generosity,¡¨ ¡§maintained cleanness and brightness,¡¨ and ¡§made resolute decisions¡¨ could be categorized as a famous scholar. Even a person who had ¡§ugly appearance but fine verve¡¨ could also be a famous scholar. As a result, throughout the study on the physical beauty and spiritual beauty of the famous scholars in Wei and Chin Dynasties, this thesis not only displays the countenance, inner spirits as well as the true significance behind the seemingly superficial quest for beauty of the famous scholars in Wei and Chin Dynasties, but also clearly represents the historical characteristics and aesthetic trends by examining the way how the famous scholars in Wei and Chin Dynasties established the beauty of outer appearance and inner verve.

Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Fine Arts / Master / Master of Philosophy

Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Bonn, 1983. / Bibliogr. p. XI-XXIII.

No description available.

In 1126, the Song Dynasty (960-1279) was faced with an exigent political crisis: after testing the borders for years, the neighboring Jin state marched its armies south, destroyed the capital city Bianjing, and reduced its territories by half. The dynasty’s collapse and reconstitution in southern China has prompted ongoing scholarly debate about what types of political, economic, and cultural differences emerged between the Northern and Southern Song periods. My project uses the narrative handscroll Illustrations of Auspicious Responses to study the development of the imperial cult and images of rulership in the Southern Song. It is the first monograph length study of the scroll since it was rediscovered in 2009 and examines how the reigning Zhao house effectively used visual and material culture to argue for its legitimacy, employing the rhetoric of moral justice and acculturation, rather than overt depictions of military dominance, to describe the establishment of the Southern Song and its first ruler. Works such as Illustrations demonstrate that the sophistication of court-based art was not destroyed along with its physical structures. Rather, with the move south artists became essential to promoting the political aims of the court: using cultural legacy as the most expedient way to purchase political legitimacy in a time of uncertainty. Illustrations acts as an expertly articulated defense of the court’s right to rule, echoes of which have filtered through the late imperial period and can be seen in how China positions itself in relation to the world today.

The Tuoba's success in the making of the Northern Wei as a conquest dynasty in fifth century northern China will be argued in this thesis as a result of their ability to cross between the traditions and practices of the Chinese sphere and those of the Eurasian steppe, through the construction of a "dual presence" in the Pingcheng period (398-494 CE). A negotiation of material culture in this formative phase of state-building allowed for new notions of kingship, dynastic identity, and representations of daily life to be (re)created. This was manifested separately through the application of mountain-side stone sculptures, tomb repertoires, as well as the conception of Pingcheng as a capital city. The material cultural expressions explored in this thesis reflect significant changes in the socio-cultural atmosphere at this point in history. In effect, these ritual, funerary, and commemorative discourses wove together to create new notions of "Chineseness" in fifth century northern China. In the following discussion, we will come to recognize the Tuoba’s maintenance of a "dual presence", not only as "Son of Heaven" to the conquered subjects, but also carrying over practices that befit a Khagan in the Central Asian tradition, as an act of ingenuity.

本論文主要探討十六至十七世紀的仙境繪畫及其所反映的仙境觀念，並以歸入仇英名下的仙境圖為中心，通過分析畫中的內容意涵，藉以展現十六至十七世紀明人對仙境圖處理的多樣性。 / 基於現時傳為出自仇英手筆的仙境圖最多，仇英可以說是當時十六至十七世紀對仙境題材創作情況的一個縮影。加上，仇英作為十六世紀具代表性的職業畫家，其仙境圖很有可能是針對具體的「使用對象」而生產，迎合不同人的不同想法和需要。在這種前提下，本文將仇英以及託名仇英的仙境圖理解為十六至十七世紀藝術市場需求下的產物，並從剖析它們的題材和構圖入手，以揭示受畫人對於仙境畫作的情感寄託。 / 所謂仙境圖，即是描繪神仙所居的圖像。仙境圖可歸入山水畫科，而且與山水畫的界定比較模糊。就畫中不同的圖像表現，可將仇英名下的仙境圖分成五類：第一種是以個別神仙入畫的仙境圖；第二種是畫中出現道士煉丹場景的仙境圖；第三種是畫有等候飛昇的歷史人物的仙境圖；第四種是描繪「桃花源」主題的仙境圖；最後一種是懷有文人情調的仙境圖。 / 本文以其中三類仙境圖為例，指出時人對仙境的運用各有差別：以個別神仙入畫的仙境圖較適用於壽慶場合，畫有道士煉丹場景的仙境圖則似是作為當時追求長生的慰藉，而以文人形象入畫的仙境圖即蘊含隱世思想；從而說明這些仙境圖在明代社會中發揮不同的作用，傳達不同的信息，滿足不同的需求，反映出繪畫與使用場合及使用對象之間的緊密關係。 / This thesis attempts to study the immortal landscape paintings from the sixteenth to seventeenth century as well as the ideas on the realm of immortals embodied in these paintings. Focusing on the immortal landscape paintings attributed to Qiu Ying, this thesis analyses their themes and allusive meanings, and thus presents the diversity in the diverse approaches adopted in the immortal landscape paintings in the late Ming period. / Since a majority of the immortal landscape paintings survived today is attributed to Qiu Ying, his works can be seen as the encapsulation of the artistic creations on the theme of the realm of immortals dated in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. A representative professional painter of the time, Qiu Ying probably produced his works for a certain group of intended audience in accordance with a variety of ideas and needs. With this presupposition this thesis regards Qiu Ying’s works and the imitations of such as the products responding the demands of the art market in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. Through an analysis of the subject matter and composition of the paintings, this thesis reveals the sentimental values held by the immortal landscape paintings for their possessors. / Depicting the dwellings of deities, immortal landscape paintings can be identified as a sub-genre of landscape paintings and are hardly distinct from other landscape paintings. The immortal landscape paintings by Qiu Ying can be classified into five types in terms of visual elements, including: I) particular deities; II) Taoist adepts practicing alchemy; III) historical figures awaiting respectfully for ascending to celestial realms; IV) Peach Blossom Spring, the Chinese equivalent of utopia; and V) scenes imbued with literati spirit. / Of these five types of immortal landscape paintings, examples from three are selected to demonstrate their different functionalities in Ming society; immortal landscape paintings portraying particular deities were created for festive occasions, while those depicting Taoist alchemy and literati figures offered reassurance on the quest for immortality and implied reclusive spirit respectively. Through a detailed investigation this thesis illustrates that immortal landscape paintings were produced to serve a variety of functions, to convey different messages, and to accommodate various needs in Ming society, thus testifying the close association between paintings, objects of utility and the occasions they are created for. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 楊晉宜. / "2012年8月". / "2012 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-122). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Yang Jinyi. / 內容摘要 --- p.i / 誌謝辭 --- p.v / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 研究動機與目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 近人研究概況 --- p.3 / Chapter 三、 --- 研究意義 --- p.5 / Chapter 1. --- 仇英仙境圖作為道教藝術的一個面向 --- p.5 / Chapter 2. --- 仙境圖作為十六世紀藝術市場需求下的產物 --- p.7 / Chapter 第一章 --- 研究對象的釐清與選取 --- p.9 / Chapter 一、 --- 仇英與仙境圖的關係 --- p.9 / Chapter 二、 --- 仙境圖的定義 --- p.16 / Chapter 三、 --- 仇英仙境圖比例分析 --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- 數字統計 --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- 歸納分類 --- p.31 / 小結、仙境圖類型與研究路徑 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 仙境圖中的神仙與蟠桃 --- p.40 / Chapter 一、 --- 兩件畫作的產生情況 --- p.41 / Chapter 二、 --- 內容意涵的差異 --- p.44 / Chapter 三、 --- 為祝某人之壽辰 --- p.54 / 小結、神仙形象與仙境圖 --- p.59 / Chapter 第三章 --- 仙境圖中的道士燒丹場景 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 明代有關煉丹的畫作 --- p.61 / Chapter 二、 --- 燒丹與神仙的關係 --- p.64 / Chapter 三、 --- 煉丹對明人的意義 --- p.68 / Chapter 四、 --- 仙真與山水相融的構圖 --- p.71 / 小結、道士燒丹與仙境圖 --- p.74 / Chapter 第四章 --- 仙境圖中的文人雅趣 --- p.76 / Chapter 一、 --- 仙境圖中文人形象的顯隱差異 --- p.77 / Chapter 二、 --- 文人形象在仙境圖的其中一種作用 --- p.84 / Chapter 1. --- 以玉洞桃花造境 --- p.86 / Chapter 2. --- 人迹於仙山 --- p.90 / Chapter 3. --- 畫中人的真實身份 --- p.94 / 小結、文人形象與仙境圖 --- p.99 / 結論 --- p.101 / 參考書目 --- p.105 / Chapter 附表一、 --- 文獻著錄的仙境圖統計 --- p.124 / Chapter 附表二、 --- 仇英仙境圖列表 --- p.126 / Chapter 附表三、 --- 〈蟠桃圖〉各版本場景列表 --- p.128 / 圖版 --- p.131

Depuis les travaux menés à l'époque coloniale, Tlemcen (Algérie) n'a plus été prise comme objet d'étude à part entière, l'historiographie ayant privilégié une perspective d'histoire politique et événementielle à l'échelle d'un royaume. Ce travail replace la ville au cœur de la réflexion et l'envisage d'abord et avant tout comme un construction sociale. Il s'agit ainsi d'interroger les catégories spatiales utilisées dans les sources mais également de mettre à l'épreuve nos concepts contemporains, et tout particulièrement celui de capitale. En effet, la chute de l'Empire almohade dans la première moitié du VIIe-XIIIe siècle entraîne l'émergence de nouveaux pouvoirs au Maghreb et Tlemcen devient alors la capitale du royaume abdelwadide. Ce nouveau statut est d'abord appréhendé, dans une première partie, à travers les représentations dont la ville est l'objet dans l'historiographie abdelwadide mais aussi dans celles des autres dynasties maghrébines et, au-delà, en al-Andalus, dans les États latins de la péninsule Ibérique ou dans l'Orient islamique. La seconde partie de l'étude se penche ensuite sur les pratiques et les acteurs sociaux qui façonnent au quotidien la capitale : le pouvoir politique, les saints et les savants et, à travers l'étude d'un traité de hisba, certains groupes sociaux tels les femmes ou les dimmi-s. La troisième et dernière partie replace enfin la capitale dans un espace régional puis global afin de préciser de quel royaume Tlemcen a été la capitale et d'analyser les réseaux méditerranéens et transsahariens au sein desquels elle est parvenue à s'insérer. / Tlemcen (Algeria) has not been studied in its own right since the colonial era, as recent historiography focused primarily on the kingdom's political and factual history. This work aims therefore at bringing the city to the. fore. lt considers it principally as a social construction and questions the spatial categories used in the sources. lt also leads us to test our contemporary concepts, especially the concept of capital. The fall of the Almohad Empire in the first half of the 7h/13th century resulted indeed in the emergence of new powers in the Maghreb and Tlemcen then became the capital of the new Abdelwadid kingdom. We will try to understand this new status in the first part of this work, studying the way the city was represented in Abdelwadid historiograph as well as in the historiography of the other Maghrebian dynasties and further away, in al-Andalus, the Christian Kingdoms of the lberian Peninsula or the lslamic East. Then, the second part of this work will focus on the social practices and actors that were shaping the capital on a daily basis: the political power, the saints the scholars, and through the study of a hisba treatise, some of the social groups such as women or dimmi-s. Finally, the third part will address Tlemcen in its regional and global environment in order to understand which territory it controlled and to analyze the Mediterranean and trans-Saharan networks the capital integrated.

《隋書》及《北史》皆云南北朝經學「章句好尚，互有不同」，又述南北異同云：「江左《周易》則王輔嗣，《尚書》則孔安國，《左傳》則杜元凱。河、洛《左傳》則服子慎，《尚書》、《周易》則鄭康成。《詩》則並主於毛公，《禮》則同遵於鄭氏。」歷來論南北經學流派者，莫不以此文為據。學者或以為南北經學之好尚，《隋書》、《北史》「數言盡之」（皮錫瑞語），即謂同則趨同，異則迥異，涇渭分明。亦有學者不作絶對之論，稱南朝不無宗鄭玄者，北朝猶有習偽孔者。持此論者之所據，多為南北各朝史傳、《經典釋文》、《隋書》所載南北諸經立學、門戶承傳之概況，惟史料零碎，且個別細節語焉不詳。同時，學界不乏以輯本南北朝經學佚書鑽研經學史者，惜輯本內容佔原書幾何，不甚明確，貿然藉此立論，恐失之武斷。 / 目前，藉南北朝傳世文獻研究時人對諸經注解之好尚，暫未一見，本文以為研治南北經學好尚問題，當可在此着墨。南北朝傳世古注之具名引用諸經注解者，有南人裴松之《三國志注》、裴駰《史記集解》、劉孝標《世說新語注》、皇侃《論語義疏》，以及北人酈道元《水經注》五種。鑑於南北對於《周易》、《尚書》、《左傳》、《論語》四經注解之好尚差異最大，故本文旨在考覈上述傳世古注所引四經注解，以探求前列南北注家五人對經注之好尚，從而疏理南北朝南北經學之沿革，以為經學史研究開一嶄新門徑。 / 本文共分八章。第一章回顧南北朝南北經學好尚之研究步伐，並提出藉用南北朝傳世古注所引諸經注解為探討此問題之新方向。第二章略述南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色，以鉤其引書之概念。第三至第六章，則逐一考索南北朝傳世古注所引《周易》、《尚書》、《春秋左傳》、《論語》四經注解，並議論南北經學沿革相關問題。第七章專講徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》。徐《疏》舊題唐代，惟清代以降，學者或以為北朝之書，又或以為其書並非一時之作，而終成於唐，各具實據。無論如何，本文不排除徐《疏》包羅北朝經解成分，故設專章考述其引用以上四經注解之情況，以為餘論。卒章總結全文。 / According to Suishu隋書 and Beishi北史, the Southern and Northern Dynasties favored respectively different interpretations of the Confucian Classics (jing經). Taking Shangshu尚書 as an example, Zheng Xuan鄭玄’s annotation was preferred in the North, whereas the annotation with its authorship assigned to Kong An’guo孔安國 was preferred in the South. To study the divisions of jingxue經學 during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, reviewers have constantly regarded the above statement as a foundation. Some of them, such as Pi Xirui皮錫瑞, believed that Suishu and Beishi had precisely concluded the trend of orthodoxy, as coherent comments on jingxue can be observed respectively within the Southern and Northern Dynasties. However certain counterexamples exist, for instance, Zheng’s commentary was adopted in the South, whereas Kong’s annotation was also studied in the North. Dissenters’ arguments mainly based on the official history of the South and the North. Alternative sources include Jingdian Shiwen經典釋文, Suishu and the recovered texts (jiyishu輯佚書) of the related period, with the latter being piecemeal and incomprehensive. Nevertheless, few studies have succeeded investigating the interpretations of jing at that time with the aid of the transmitted notes (zhu注) of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, namely Sanguozhi Zhu三國志注, Shiji Jijie史記集解, Shishuo Xinyu Zhu世說新語注, Lunyü Yishu論語義疏 and Shuijing Zhu水經注, which serves as alternative corpora. Through a close examination of the notes’ citation, this thesis aims at investigating coexisting evaluations towards various notes of jing, as well as articulating jingxue’s development throughout that period. / This thesis comprises eight chapters. The first chapter reviews past studies and the inadequacy therein, declaring the transmitted notes of the Southern and Northern Dynasties as an alternative source for research. Chapter Two summarizes the rules of the citations of commentaries on Classics found in the transmitted notes above. Details for those of Zhouyi周易, Shangshu, Zuozhuan左傳 and Lunyü論語 are presented with analysis in the next four chapters respectively. Chapter Seven looks into the commentaries on the four Classics cited in Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan Shu春秋公羊傳疏, which to a certain extent shows the scholars’ preferences in the North due to the multiplicity of authorship. The final chapter serves as a conclusion. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 伍尚俊. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-308). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wu Shangjun. / 凡例 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 南北朝經學好尚研究之回顧暨新方向之提出 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 目前南北朝經學好尚相關研究成果述要 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 概說南北經學好尚研究之新方向──南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色述略 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.15 / Chapter 第四節 --- 皇侃《論語義疏》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《周易》注解考辨 --- p.22 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《周易》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.22 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《周易》注解獨取魏晉說考 --- p.30 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.33 / Chapter 第四章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《尚書》注解考辨 --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.37 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.47 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《尚書》注解-分別獨取《偽孔傳》及鄭玄注叢考 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.110 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.123 / Chapter 第五章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《春秋左傳》注解考辨 --- p.132 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.132 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.132 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.134 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《左傳》注解-獨取杜預注叢考 --- p.160 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.166 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.180 / Chapter 第六章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《論語》注解考辨 --- p.189 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.189 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《論語》注解兼用何晏、江熙二家《集解》考 --- p.189 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《論語》注解用何晏《集解》考 --- p.229 / Chapter 第四節 --- 南北朝傳世古注引漢魏晉《論語》注解好尚之異同及其原因 --- p.241 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結語 --- p.244 / Chapter 第七章 --- 徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》引諸經注解考辨 --- p.249 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.249 / Chapter 第二節 --- 徐《疏》引《周易》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.250 / Chapter 第三節 --- 徐《疏》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.262 / Chapter 第四節 --- 徐《疏》引《春秋左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.267 / Chapter 第五節 --- 徐《疏》引《論語》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.280 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.283 / 總結 --- p.287 / 參考文獻 --- p.291