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Yes / This paper reflects on trade institutions across West Africa from the Empirehood to the present day. We found that regional trade institutions were more standardised across West Africa before the current countries gained their independence. We argue that reflection on past trade institutions could provide important guidance for policy makers currently involved in deepening the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Our review of the literature suggests that the Empirehood was an era with more standardised trade institutions across the region relative to the current ones. Societal norms and political consensus such as the ‘Mande charter’ and the coming of Islam created a discipline that enhanced confidence in the ability to trade, which was facilitated by common trade institutions such as convertible common currencies and letters of credit. During the colonial era, West African common currencies were also established to facilitate exchange. Historical changes in governance resulted in the loss of some facets of well-functioning trade institutions. This paper argues that historical context can provide policy makers with the confidence that current institutional barriers to trade can be addressed. ECOWAS members could reflect on historical good practices if they are to accelerate the integration process and to realise the full potential of regional trade.

Regional integration such as ECOWAS is believed to be an important element to stimulate trade, which could lead to economic growth and development for countries in this regional group. Despite the efforts made at creating this regional group in West Africa, the benefits from intra regional trade have been unsatisfactory. The study examined the role of Nigeria in the integration processes in Africa and to quantify the impact of this regional group on trade and economic performance in Nigeria. Cross sectional time series data for 17 years from 1996 to 2012 were analysed using an augmented (or extended) gravity equation. Results show that being in ECOWAS has contributed very little to trade and economic performance in Nigeria. Lack of political will to implement treaty provisions, poor infrastructure, non diversification of individual countries' economies among other have been identified as the problem causing the very low level of intra regional trade in ECOWAS. There are potential gains to be made in ECOWAS including Nigeria if significant effort are made to implement policy recommendations

This study explores the link between regional cooperation and integration and the root causes of conflict in Africa. Specifically, it focuses on the experience of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which is arguably one of the most developed regional cooperation and integration experiments on the African continent. In particular, the study assesses the extent to which, and the conditions under which, the promotion of regional cooperation and integration in ECOWAS (in its multi-dimensional and multi-sectoral characters) contributes to tackling the root causes of conflict in West Africa. In doing so, it first evaluates the extent to which there has been regional cooperation/integration within ECOWAS, and then reviews whether this has had any detectable effect on the root causes of conflict. ECOWAS is home to many cooperation/integration initiatives, including intra-regional trade; migration and the free movement of people; monetary integration and macroeconomic convergence; regional norm diffusion; and conflict management and resolution initiatives. To an extent, such a level of sophistication explains why the organisation is often portrayed as one of the most advanced regionalisation processes in Africa, if not the most advanced. Yet the research argues that while the region appears advanced in its approach to regional cooperation, especially when compared to other African regional organisations, this does not necessarily result in actual integration (e.g. shared sovereignty), let alone a successful effect on conflict transformation. In reviewing the extent to which each of these sectors is factually integrated, the study argues that there is a gap between existing policies and their implementation. Of all sectors mentioned above, only two (regional norm diffusion and conflict management/resolution) can be considered as highly integrated, because of their ability to translate into practice some of the elements for which they have been designed. The remaining sectors either have low or medium levels of integration, mainly due to challenges of regulation and implementation along with the absence of political will and real commitment from most member states. In assessing the security situation in West Africa, this dissertation argues that ECOWAS can be credited for reducing the level of violence in the region, which although still plagued by political and security tensions, appears less violent than it was just a decade ago. As regards the issue of whether ECOWAS has had any effect on tackling the root causes of conflict in the region, the analysis reveals that the organisation has been quite successful at diffusing regional norms of good governance and democracy, also thanks to the commitment and political will of member states. On the other hand, it does not appear as if intra-regional trade as well as monetary and macroeconomic convergence have exerted any tangible effects on conflict transformation, mainly due to the reluctance to share sovereignty, the lack of political will and poor implementation. Moreover, this study contends that ECOWAS’ effect on the root causes of conflict through its conflict management and resolution initiatives has been minimal, because initiatives within this domain focus mainly on containing existing tensions, with their capacity at preventing conflicts being hindered by a variety of factors, including inefficiencies and frictions, the ad-hoc modus operandi, the lack of capacity and financial means, and the reluctance by member states to adopt a coherent regional framework based on shared sovereignty. Finally, the study argues that migration and the free movement of people in ECOWAS may have a double-effect on conflicts in West Africa. On the one hand, it fosters a greater sense of common purpose and cultural sharing. On the other hand, the poor institutionalisation of this area of integration may actually contribute to triggering tensions (for instance, due to corruption and harassment at the borders), while the persistence of porous borders allows armed groups to move across the region. The dissertation ends by raising questions as to whether regional cooperation and integration in Africa should be seen as a promising avenue to address the root causes of conflict, due to the mixed results of a rather ‘good’ case such as ECOWAS; and alternative approaches are contemplated. / Dissertation (MA (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2014. / Political Sciences / MA (International Relations) / Unrestricted

No / The primary objective of this book is to provide an analytical understanding of the nature, dynamics and complexity of the politics of economic regionalism through the prism of Sierra Leone in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The book also discusses the following issues: the evolution of economic regionalism in West Africa and the conceptual framework for analysis; the expansion of the economic regionalism; developments within the West Africa sub-region with that of the transformation of the global economy and international political system; political, economic and security developments within ECOWAS; and the civil war in Sierra Leone.

第一章 維持和平、強制和平、調停、以及強制外交：概念與定義 這一章分成兩個主要的部分。第一節討論維護和平（peacekeeping）、強制和平執行（peace-enforcement）以及調和（peacemaking）的概念和定義；此外，這些概念和定義，和西非國家經濟共同體（ECOWAS）在賴比瑞亞發起的維持和平行動（peace keeping operation）之間的關連性。第二節首先解釋強制外交（coercive diplomacy）的模式，並且探討ECOWAS在賴比瑞亞進行維持和平行動時，雖然並非有意或故意地應用此模式，但是，根據作者的分析，ECOWAS在賴比瑞亞的行動，卻可明確地解釋為強制外交策略的運用。 　第二章　ECOWAS與賴比瑞亞危機 第二章著眼於賴比瑞亞內戰時，ECOWAS的危機處理。ECOWAS成立於1975年5月，是一個促進西非經濟發展的組織。十五年來，該組織均未悖離其成立宗旨。不過到了1990年，當這個次區域性組織決定介入賴比瑞亞內戰後，它的傳統有了改變。這一章區分成四個主要部分：第一節一窺ECOWAS的目標與發展。第二節重溯賴比瑞亞危機的源頭。第三節，從政治的角度切入，討論ECOWAS介入賴比瑞亞內戰的必要性及合法性。最後一節討論的是在這個次地域當中，存在於英語系國家（the Anglophones）和法語系國家（the Francophones）之間，對政治主導性永無休止的爭鬥，以及他們對維護賴比瑞亞和平的傷害。 第三章　賴比瑞亞境內的維持和平（peacekeeping），1990-1997：強制外交模式的解釋 本章嘗試重塑出ECOWAS在致力於維護賴比瑞亞和平的七年期間的危機處理，即是以「強制外交」的模式，進行其維持和平的努力。關於強制外交的普遍性認知，是恫嚇敵方一旦不服從就會受到處罰，而藉以達到支持某方對敵方行使命令權的目的，其威脅的程度大到足以說服敵方順從此命令。因此，強制外交的理論，是假設行使強制權一方和反動者兩者的完全理性。此研究中，作者採用強制外交一詞，來表示此策略的『防禦性』（defensive）意義，即盡力說服反動者停止並且╱或是取消已著手進行的行動。在賴比瑞亞和平維持行動的案例中，奈吉利亞，此一西非的『霸權』（hegemony）；是公認的『強制性威權』（coercive power）。而身為賴比瑞亞國家愛國陣線（NPFL）的領導人，查爾斯•泰勒則是被視作強制性行動的『反動者』（opponent）。這一章分為四個主要的部分：第一節著眼於奈吉利亞的強制性威權；第二節討論賴比瑞亞國家統一臨時政府（IGNU）的組成；第三節在討論賴比瑞亞國會議員以及賴比瑞亞國家過渡政府（LNTG）的組成；最後一節檢視自阿布查一世協定（Abuja I Accord）和阿布查二世協定（Abuja II Accord）之後，在賴比瑞亞的危機處理方面，賴國國會議員以及ECOWAS間的互動。 第四章 賴比瑞亞衝突的最終解決之道 成功的調停是是一種含容、誘導和修正的混合。調停者必須能夠阻止衝突的迫近或升高，並將衝突的雙方自敵對的觀念和行動中分開，並且有能力把他們引入一個較和諧的關係當中。調停者事實上也是個參與、運用強制性霸權的角色，能夠迫使頑強的一方妥協，並同意原先不願接受的解決方案。最好的情況下，調停者必須有足以威嚇衝突雙方的力量與權威，而使他們瞭解倘若解決之道沒有被採用的話，他們將面對無止盡的衝突；且即使解決之道獲得採用，也必須確實執行。這一章在探討賴比瑞亞內戰的最終解決之道。在這場維持和平的戲碼中，ECOWAS和聯合國駐賴比瑞亞觀察團（UNOMIL）是不可或缺的要角。這一章分成三個主要的部分。第一節討論在阿布查二世協定後，停戰以及終止動員的過程。作者對於停戰的定義是，在限期之內，鼓勵各個傾軋的派系交出武器的政治過程。而終止動員則是一種透過提供經濟誘因，使得原武裝士兵重新融入平民的過程。第二節探討在部分停戰以及停止徵用各式國民軍後，政治黨派的形成及隨之而來的歷史性選舉。最後一節則審視查爾斯•泰勒的崛起，而成為賴比瑞亞內戰後的民選總統。 第五章 ECOWAS與聯合國的合作 第五章探討由聯合國和ECOWAS所發起的合作行動，目的在為受戰爭蹂躪的賴比瑞亞謀求和平。這是聯合國破天荒第一遭可以和另一個組織—在此個案中，是一個次區域性組織—共同採取維持和平的行動。賴比瑞亞的個案提供了一個有用的實證性基礎，去評估聯合國和區域性機構之間，彼此分工合作的觀念，亦即與非官方組織（NGO）的合作能夠符合「聯合國憲章」第三十三條的精神。這一章分為三節，試圖評估在賴比瑞亞的衝突時，ECOWAS和聯合國合作所採取的回應行動的成效如何。第一節探討合作的原因。第二節則是合作的本質。最後一節提出造成合作失敗的原因。

Recent years have seen a growing scholarly interest in the conditions of emergence of regional trade agreements in Africa. These analyses have advanced our knowledge on a range of technical issues, from specific institutional transformation of regional economic communities such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to broad legal issues relating to the provisions of the regional trade agreements. Most literature on ECOWAS is, however, informed by legal formalism that interprets the text of the treaties strictly and without context, leading to a dominant interpretation of failure. By contrast, this thesis adopts a socio-legal approach and argues that the dominant narrative’s conceptualization of ECOWAS is narrow and under-representative of the broader contexts of the social relations in which ECOWAS Treaties and their implementation are embedded. The failure narratives do not adequately account for the complex social, historical, and political factors that shape the implementation of the ECOWAS Treaties. By combining socio-legal approach with insights from International Relations on new regionalism, the thesis reconceptualizes regionalism in ECOWAS as a social phenomenon. It approaches the ECOWAS Treaties as embedded in the socio-political relations, power struggles, and social structures of the Community. To differentiate the thesis from existing research on ECOWAS, it incorporates national, regional, and international factors in illuminating the complex and multifaceted confluence of circumstances that shape the implementation of the ECOWAS Treaties. Simultaneously, the thesis enriches our understanding of the theories of new regionalism by deepening the analysis in relation to ECOWAS. Seen from this perspective, the thesis concludes that ECOWAS cannot be regarded as a straightforward failure and that its achievements are not to be found primarily in economic integration but in other socio-political factors that it enabled. Finally, the analysis opens new opportunities for future normative analyses that interrogate the effectiveness of ECOWAS by taking into account the socio-political contexts in which it is embedded.

The topic the thesis Analysis of selected demographic and economic indicators of the ECOWAS countries is analysis of the selected economic and demographic indicators in the countries of Economic Community of West African States over the period 2010 - 2014. The main aim is to find relationship between economic growth and demography. Thesis is divided into two parts. The theoretical part provides the overview of the region, description of demography, economic growth and their mutual relationship as well as description of the used methods. The analytical part is focused on the construction of the composite indicators and the canonical correlation analysis.

This paper seeks to investigate why did ECOWAS’s AFISMA fail to resolve the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2013. The idea is not to go over the different challenges that ECOWAS faced in handling the Malian conflict but to instead establish the single main challenge that inhibited ECOWAS from achieving its desired goals in resolving and managing the crisis in Mali. This thesis employed the theoretical framework of neoliberal institutionalism. Methodologically, this thesis has utilised critical discourse  analysis method.  The paper will analyse data from both primary sources (i.e ECOWAS’ policy documents, United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions on the Mali crisis, AU documents, Mali’s government documents, speeches and reports) and secondary sources (i.e news articles and media reports). This paper is arguing that the reason why ECOWAS’s AFISMA failed to resolve the Malian conflict with regards to its conflict management quest in Mali is the community’s lack of ownership of its military intervention initiative in the country. In agreement with its hypothesis the paper concluded by positing that indeed the ‘reason why ECOWAS’s AFISMA failed in its conflict management quest in Mali is the community’s lack of ownership of its military intervention initiative in the country’.

Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Frage, welche Auswirkung die Zunahme irregulärer Migration aus den Gebieten Afrikas südlich der Sahara in die Europäische Union (EU) auf die politischen Beziehungen der Regionen zueinander hat. Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten zu internationaler und irregulärer Migration und ihrer Auswirkung auf die Internationalen Beziehungen sind bisher die Ausnahme. Die vorliegende Arbeit leistet einen Beitrag dazu, diese Lücke zu füllen und Migration aus einer politikwissenschaftlichen Perspektive zu beleuchten. Durch eine fundierte Analyse können Politikstrategien der Afrikanischen und der Europäischen Seite aufgezeigt, die Chancen der Interessensdurchsetzung bewertet und die Wirkung der Kooperation auf die Problematik der irregulären Migration eingeschätzt werden. Die Arbeit baut auf den gängigen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen auf, die Hypothesen beruhen auf einer Gegenüberstellung der kooperationspolitischen Annahmen des Neorealismus und des neoliberalen Institutionalismus. Die empirische Überprüfung beruht auf einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse zugänglicher Dokumente und Verträge der EU und der African Union (AU) sowie der Westafrikanischen Regionalorganisation ECOWAS. Ergänzt wird die Dokumentenstudie um Experteninterviews mit afrikanischen Botschaftern in Berlin. Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Zunahme irregulärer Migration zu einer Veränderung in der Europäisch-Afrikanischen Kooperation geführt hat. Migrationspolitik ist zu einem strategischen Bereich der EU-Außenpolitik gegenüber Afrika geworden. In der Europäischen Politik überwiegen trotz Anerkennung der entwicklungspolitischen Möglichkeiten regulärer Migration restriktive Ansätze. Diese wirken sich nachteilig auf die Afrikanischen Herkunftsländer aus und begünstigen eine weitere Zunahme irregulärer Migration. Um angemessene Politikstrategien zu entwickeln ist aufgrund einer nicht zu erwartenden Veränderung der Europäischen Politik insbesondere die Afrikanische Seite gefragt. Hier dominierte in der Vergangenheit eine kritische Haltung gegenüber Personenfreizügigkeit. Erst seit kurzem kommt es zu einer abgestimmten supranationalen Positionierung auf ECOWAS- und AU-Ebene, in der positive Wirkungen regulärer Migration anerkannt werden. Diese spiegeln sich aber bisher nicht in nationalstaatlichen Politiken wider. / The thesis deals with the question, whether the increased irregular migration from Sub-Saharan Africa to the European Union (EU) has an impact on the inter-regional relations. Papers dealing with international and irregular migration and its impact on international relations are still rare. The thesis contributes to fill this gap and to highlight migration from a political science point of view. By providing a comprehensive analysis, political strategies of the African and the European side are identified, the chances of enforcements of interests showed and the effect of cooperation on the prevention of irregular migration is assessed. The thesis is based on the established theories of international relations. The hypothesis are based on the assumptions of neorealism and neolibral institutionalism on international cooperation. The empirical testing is based on a qualitative content analysis reviewing of available documents and contracts of the EU and the African Union (AU) as well as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). In addition, data derives from expert interviews conducted with African ambassadors in Berlin. The thesis comes to the conclusion that the increase in irregular migration let to a shift in the European-African cooperation. Migration policy now is a strategic part of the European foreign policy towards Africa. The European policy mainly pursues a restrictive policy although the chances of a regular form of migration have been officially recognized. This policy approach has a negative effect on the African countries of origin. At the same time, it favors a further increase of irregular migration. In order to develop an adequate policy, the African governments are particularly challenged as the European policy cannot be expected to change its politics towards migration. Here, in the past a critical position towards freedom of movement dominated. Only recently, a supranational position at ECOWAS-level comes up, which appreciates the positive effects of migration. However, this is not yet translated into policies at the national level.