L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser et comprendre les relations interafricains des processus d'intégration régionale en cours dans la partie occidentale du continent. Pour cela, nous partons de l'hypothèse que l´appartenance des Etats à plusieurs organisations d'intégration régionale est le principal problème de la construction et la consolidation d'une unité intégrée économique, politique, sociale et culturellement. L´objectif qui a conduit à la levée de cette hypothèse est venu de l'observation des incohérences entre les objectifs (communs à tous) l'intégration régionale et la création fragmentée d´institutions économiques et monétaires, basée sur les liens coloniaux et les luttes intestines est un frein à l'intégration régionale ouest-africaine. Dans cette première partie de l'enquête, qui a débuté par une brève introduction, avant de faire une revision de la littérature, et aboutit à la déscrition des processus historiques et de principe de l'intégration régionale, montrant que, malgré d'être présentées comme des organismes complémentaires d'intégration économique et monétaire en Afrique de l'Ouest, la CEDEAO, l'UEMOA et ZMOA représentent des intérêts particuliers tant sur le plan interne qu´externe, et donc le rêve de l'unité politique et économique réel prend du temps à se matérialiser. / O objetivo desta tese é analisar e compreender as relações interafricana a partir dos processos de integração regional em curso na parte ocidental do continente. Para tanto parte-se da hipótese de que o pertencimento dos Estados a múltiplas organizações de integração regional constitui o principal problema da construção e da consolidação de uma unidade integrada econômica, política, social e culturalmente. Este objetivo que originou o levantamento desta hipótese partiu da observação das incoerências entre os objetivos (comuns a todos) da integração regional e a criação fragmentada de instituições econômicas e monetárias, baseadas nos laços coloniais, e nas rivalidades internas constitui um freio integração regional oeste africano. Nesta primeira parte da pesquisa, que iniciou com uma breve introdução, passou por uma revisão da literatura, antes de descrever historicamente os processos e tentativos de integração regional permite concluir que apesar de da serem apresentadas como complementares, as organizações de integração econômica e monetárias da África Ocidental, nomeadamente a CEDEAO, UEMOA e ZMOA, representam interesses particulares tanto interna quanto externamente, e consequentemente o sonho da real unidade política e econômica demora a se concretizar. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze and understand the relationships Inter African from regional integration processes underway in the western part of the continent. For this we start from the assumption that the States belonging to multiple organizations of regional integration is the main problem of the construction and consolidation of a unit integrated economic, political, social and culturally. This goal led to the lifting of this hypothesis came from the observation of inconsistencies between objectives (common to all) regional integration and the creation of fragmented economic and monetary institutions, based on colonial ties, and the infighting is a brake West African regional integration. In this first part of the survey, which began with a brief introduction, went through a literature review, before describing historical processes and tentative regional integration shows that despite of being presented as complementary organizations of economic integration and monetary West Africa, namely ECOWAS, UEMOA and ZMOA represent particular interests both internally and externally, and thus the dream of real political and economic unity takes to materialize.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser et comprendre les relations interafricains des processus d'intégration régionale en cours dans la partie occidentale du continent. Pour cela, nous partons de l'hypothèse que l´appartenance des Etats à plusieurs organisations d'intégration régionale est le principal problème de la construction et la consolidation d'une unité intégrée économique, politique, sociale et culturellement. L´objectif qui a conduit à la levée de cette hypothèse est venu de l'observation des incohérences entre les objectifs (communs à tous) l'intégration régionale et la création fragmentée d´institutions économiques et monétaires, basée sur les liens coloniaux et les luttes intestines est un frein à l'intégration régionale ouest-africaine. Dans cette première partie de l'enquête, qui a débuté par une brève introduction, avant de faire une revision de la littérature, et aboutit à la déscrition des processus historiques et de principe de l'intégration régionale, montrant que, malgré d'être présentées comme des organismes complémentaires d'intégration économique et monétaire en Afrique de l'Ouest, la CEDEAO, l'UEMOA et ZMOA représentent des intérêts particuliers tant sur le plan interne qu´externe, et donc le rêve de l'unité politique et économique réel prend du temps à se matérialiser. / O objetivo desta tese é analisar e compreender as relações interafricana a partir dos processos de integração regional em curso na parte ocidental do continente. Para tanto parte-se da hipótese de que o pertencimento dos Estados a múltiplas organizações de integração regional constitui o principal problema da construção e da consolidação de uma unidade integrada econômica, política, social e culturalmente. Este objetivo que originou o levantamento desta hipótese partiu da observação das incoerências entre os objetivos (comuns a todos) da integração regional e a criação fragmentada de instituições econômicas e monetárias, baseadas nos laços coloniais, e nas rivalidades internas constitui um freio integração regional oeste africano. Nesta primeira parte da pesquisa, que iniciou com uma breve introdução, passou por uma revisão da literatura, antes de descrever historicamente os processos e tentativos de integração regional permite concluir que apesar de da serem apresentadas como complementares, as organizações de integração econômica e monetárias da África Ocidental, nomeadamente a CEDEAO, UEMOA e ZMOA, representam interesses particulares tanto interna quanto externamente, e consequentemente o sonho da real unidade política e econômica demora a se concretizar. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze and understand the relationships Inter African from regional integration processes underway in the western part of the continent. For this we start from the assumption that the States belonging to multiple organizations of regional integration is the main problem of the construction and consolidation of a unit integrated economic, political, social and culturally. This goal led to the lifting of this hypothesis came from the observation of inconsistencies between objectives (common to all) regional integration and the creation of fragmented economic and monetary institutions, based on colonial ties, and the infighting is a brake West African regional integration. In this first part of the survey, which began with a brief introduction, went through a literature review, before describing historical processes and tentative regional integration shows that despite of being presented as complementary organizations of economic integration and monetary West Africa, namely ECOWAS, UEMOA and ZMOA represent particular interests both internally and externally, and thus the dream of real political and economic unity takes to materialize.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil

The paper examines through a legal analysis of some articles of the Cote d’Ivoire Stepping Stone Agreement, how ECOWAS can strengthened its approach in negotiating a comprehensive EPA for the region. These articles are scrutinized with a special focus on market access as to point out fields that need to be re-thinked with regard objectives set out in the agreement. It is argue that current bilateral and multilateral Trade and Investment Agreements are shrinking in their legal framework the policy space need for development in countries that need it the most. This study, underlines the fact that the legal provisions contain in the Cote d’Ivoire IEPA do reduce actually its ability to set up policies tool aim at achieving development goals. It is the sustainability of the IEPA legal provisions that is questioned under this topic with regard to sensitive issues such as the safeguard measures, the stand still clause, the MFN clause, the Rules of Origin etc….. In so doing, the analysis reveals as well the ambiguity of the IEPA relationship with the Cotonou Agreement and the multilateral trade rules of the WTO. This ambiguity is highlighted in an attempt to drawn the attention of the region on the fact that; if there is indeed a need to update the Economic Partnership Agreement currently negotiating with the EC, this cannot be done without first of all updating the negotiating approach of the region. In fact, its weak bargaining approach coupled with that overwhelming of the EC has resulted in the agreement currently on the table. Substantial changes can be made with this regard by acknowledging the insufficiencies in the legal framework of the IEPA but also in learning lesson from mistakes the region itself and Cote d’Ivoire have done in negotiating EPAs and its Interim version. Thus, since EPAs often triggered the debate on liberalization and what it may carry in terms of consequences on developing countries’ economies, examples of countries that took a different step toward liberalization and whose current situation may be use as a testimony by ECOWAS are quoted. Finally, propositions are made to ECOWAS region as to enlarge current development space while battling for more flexibility under the EPA. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

This thesis examines the roles and significance of ECOWAS (Economic Community of West Africa States) in conflict prevention, crisis response and security-building processes in West Africa, particularly since 2000. The importance of developing regional institutions and capacities for peace and security-building in Sub-Saharan Africa has been widely recognised since at least the mid-1990s. Not only has the African Union developed important peace and security building aims and roles, but so too have several of the sub-regional organisations in Africa, including ECOWAS in West Africa. In the late 1990s, ECOWAS Member States achieved a number of noteworthy sub-regional agreements on ECOWAS norms and mechanisms for conflict prevention, crisis response, and peace and security –building in West Africa. These agreements and mechanisms have subsequently been further developed since 2000, in a dynamic process that was informed by experience with efforts to respond to a range of crises and conflicts in the region. This thesis critically examines this process, focussing particularly on the extent to which, and how, ECOWAS norms, institutions and mechanism have continued not only to develop but also to be influential in practice. Our research demonstrates that the ECOWAS agreements and norms established by 2000 have continued subsequently to be dynamically developed and used by ECOWAS member states and West African networks, in close interaction with several international partners. It argues that these norms and mechanisms have played significant roles in influencing actual policies, practices and missions. They have therefore proved to be more than shallow symbolic or paper agreements, despite the political fragility and divisions of the region and most of its states. We argue that this cannot be adequately understood using single explanatory frameworks, such as Nigeria’s hegemonic influence or instrumental influence of external Actors such as UN, EU or USA, as has often been suggested. Adequate explanations need to combine these factors with others, including relatively consistent investment in regional norms and institutions by coalitions of some West African states (including Ghana, Senegal and Nigeria) together with civil society and parliamentary networks. Our research then examines in detail the extent to which, and how, ECOWAS norms and mechanisms on conflict prevention, crisis response and security sector reform were significant and influential in ECOWAS’ responses to the crises and conflicts in Cote D’Ivoire, Mali and to a lesser extent in Gambia since 2003; and also how these crises were in turn influential in the further development of ECOWAS norms in these areas. We demonstrate numerous weaknesses in the implementation and effectiveness in these norms; and limitations in their diffusion and influence. However, we argue that such weaknesses and limitations are typical of regional peace and security norms everywhere, including much more stable and developed regions. Equally significant is that substantial coalitions exist between ECOWAS member states and stakeholders. Despite obvious tensions, ECOWAS, AU, UN and other countries such as France continue to work to address inherent tensions and develop mutually beneficial collaborations that enhance effective conflict prevention in the sub-region. The study draws on the knowledge created within this this thesis to propose a framework for conflict intervention. / Allan & Nesta Foundation

There is enough evidence on how climate change consequences will adversely affect Africa despite the fact that it is the continent that has least contributed to the problem. The international climate change regime recognises Africa's vulnerability to climate change and provides for special treatment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the UNFCCC). Thus, the international climate change regime presents an opportunity for African countries to adapt and mitigate the consequences of climate change through the UNFCCC mechanism. However, the international climate change legal regime has not been able to adequately assist African countries to address the consequences of climate change under the vulnerability principle. Although the current international climate change regime requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, Africa needs to take steps itself to address the problem, because it is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The African Union (AU) could play a great role in ensuring that the international climate change regime addresses the consequences of climate change in the region. This could be done through fostering strong African common positions during international climate change negotiations. A strong common position could strengthen African bargaining power and might result in more funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer for adaptation and mitigation programmes under the UNFCCC-Kyoto Conference of Parties. However, reaching a strong common position requires the cooperation of the AU member states. In this context, African regional integration is an opportunity for the AU to foster such cooperation among member states. The Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Protocol on the Relations between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) prioritise regional economic integration and call for states' cooperation, but the call has not yet been heeded. To realise deep and viable African integration, there must be a well-structured institutional and legal framework that defines the relationship between the AU, the AEC and the RECs. African regional integration is also seen as an avenue whereby the AU can create its own regional climate-change regime. In this regard, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is examined in order to assess whether it adequately integrates climate change issues. This study finds that although Africa is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is weak and inadequate to address the problem. The Framework should integrate climate change issues in order to achieve sustainable development. The AU should also ensure that member states ratify the relevant treaties and protocols (the Maputo Nature Convention and the Protocol establishing the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) that have not yet been ratified in order that they may become operational. The Maputo Nature Convention puts sustainable development in the forefront of attention as a reaction to the potentially conflicting environmental and developmental challenges facing the continent (such as climate change), but it is not yet in force. This work finds that human rights law can strengthen the AU's role in addressing climate change through its normative framework. The human rights approach to climate change under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Banjul Charter) is a viable avenue because human rights law forms the basis for states' responsibility based on human rights obligations and principles. The extraterritorial application of the Banjul Charter presents an avenue for AU institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the African Human Rights Court to curb the effects of climate change through a human rights lens. The future of the AU is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identify strong African regional integration as an avenue through which the AU can foster the cooperation of member states to address the consequences of climate change in the AU's and RECs' normative frameworks. General recommendations are made on the need for the international climate change regime to pay more attention to issues of funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer on the basis of the vulnerability principle and in relation to the principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Also, the AU needs to strengthen its legal and institutional structures to ensure deep African integration that is capable of addressing common challenges such as the consequences of climate change. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

There is enough evidence on how climate change consequences will adversely affect Africa despite the fact that it is the continent that has least contributed to the problem. The international climate change regime recognises Africa's vulnerability to climate change and provides for special treatment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the UNFCCC). Thus, the international climate change regime presents an opportunity for African countries to adapt and mitigate the consequences of climate change through the UNFCCC mechanism. However, the international climate change legal regime has not been able to adequately assist African countries to address the consequences of climate change under the vulnerability principle. Although the current international climate change regime requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, Africa needs to take steps itself to address the problem, because it is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The African Union (AU) could play a great role in ensuring that the international climate change regime addresses the consequences of climate change in the region. This could be done through fostering strong African common positions during international climate change negotiations. A strong common position could strengthen African bargaining power and might result in more funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer for adaptation and mitigation programmes under the UNFCCC-Kyoto Conference of Parties. However, reaching a strong common position requires the cooperation of the AU member states. In this context, African regional integration is an opportunity for the AU to foster such cooperation among member states. The Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Protocol on the Relations between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) prioritise regional economic integration and call for states' cooperation, but the call has not yet been heeded. To realise deep and viable African integration, there must be a well-structured institutional and legal framework that defines the relationship between the AU, the AEC and the RECs. African regional integration is also seen as an avenue whereby the AU can create its own regional climate-change regime. In this regard, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is examined in order to assess whether it adequately integrates climate change issues. This study finds that although Africa is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is weak and inadequate to address the problem. The Framework should integrate climate change issues in order to achieve sustainable development. The AU should also ensure that member states ratify the relevant treaties and protocols (the Maputo Nature Convention and the Protocol establishing the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) that have not yet been ratified in order that they may become operational. The Maputo Nature Convention puts sustainable development in the forefront of attention as a reaction to the potentially conflicting environmental and developmental challenges facing the continent (such as climate change), but it is not yet in force. This work finds that human rights law can strengthen the AU's role in addressing climate change through its normative framework. The human rights approach to climate change under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Banjul Charter) is a viable avenue because human rights law forms the basis for states' responsibility based on human rights obligations and principles. The extraterritorial application of the Banjul Charter presents an avenue for AU institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the African Human Rights Court to curb the effects of climate change through a human rights lens. The future of the AU is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identify strong African regional integration as an avenue through which the AU can foster the cooperation of member states to address the consequences of climate change in the AU's and RECs' normative frameworks. General recommendations are made on the need for the international climate change regime to pay more attention to issues of funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer on the basis of the vulnerability principle and in relation to the principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Also, the AU needs to strengthen its legal and institutional structures to ensure deep African integration that is capable of addressing common challenges such as the consequences of climate change. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Unconstitutional changes, especially coups d’états, have undoubtedly eroded peace and security in many parts of the African continent. These occurrences have also stunted the development of democracy in some African states. The African Union (AU), supported by sub-regional bodies, addresses this problem by imposing sanctions on the regimes that acquire power through coups with the aim of restoring political order. However, this sanctions policy has produced mixed results. In some cases, these sanctions managed to succeed in achieving their objectives (Guinea) while in other instances sanctions failed to achieve their objectives (Madagascar). It is therefore imperative to inquire into the circumstances and assess the conditions under which the AU sanctions policies failed and succeeded in restoring political order to states that experience coups d’états. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Dans le contexte de la mondialisation, le projet d’émission d’une monnaie unique en Afrique de l’Ouest, initié par la CEDEAO en 1999, offre aux petites économies de la sous-Région de nouvelles opportunités. Le marché unique accroitrait la taille des marchés domestiques, favoriserait les économies d'échelle, simulerait la profitabilité des investissements et l’accroissement du Produit potentiel des économies. La présente Thèse étudie les implications associées à cette évolution monétaire projetée, dans la perspective des pays de la sous-Région qui conduisent actuellement une politique monétaire et de change autonome. Les résultats montrent que les économies de la CEDEAO ne sont pas synchrones, notamment par rapport à leur cycle de croissance. L’analyse des mésalignements établit que la non-Participation à une union monétaire ne protège pas contre les déséquilibres de change. Une participation de la Gambie, de la Guinée ou de la Sierra-Leone à l’UEMOA aurait été préférable, entre 1994 et 1999. Mais cet avantage se réduit ou disparaît à partir de 2000. Le bien-Être mesuré par la croissance du PIB ou par l’IDH n’est pas affecté par la participation à une zone ou à une union monétaire. Toutefois, une telle participation a un effet vigoureux, positif et significatif sur le bien-Être mesuré par la consommation par habitant. Globalement, malgré la faible synchronisation des économies, la participation à l’union monétaire en Afrique de l’Ouest est associée à un niveau de mésalignement équivalent ou plus faible que celui de la non-Participation, sauf pour le Ghana et le Nigéria. Mais une telle participation pourrait accroître la consommation par habitant. Le projet de monnaie unique de la CEDEAO est donc pertinent pour les économies de la ZMAO. / The context of the globalization suggests that the project of a West African common currency launched by the ECOWAS commission in 1999 is a potential source of opportunities for the small economies of the sub-Region. The common market will increase the scale of their small domestic markets; facilitate the realization of the scale economies; enhance the profitability of the investments and improve the potential product of the economies. Thus, this thesis aims to analyse the effect of that monetary evolution planned for countries following an autonomous monetary and exchange policy in the West African sub-Region. The results show that the economies of the sub-Region are not symmetric, especially because of their growth cycles. The equilibrium exchange rate analyse proves that the non-Participation in the common currency does not shield the West African economies against the exchange rate misalignment for them. Especially a participation of Gambia, Guinea or Sierra-Leone in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) between 1994 and 1999 would have generated a lower exchange rate misalignment for them. But that effect decreases or disappears as for 2000. On another hand, the participation in a common currency or in a monetary area in Sub-Saharian Africa does not affect the welfare measured by growth or HDI. But, both the participation in the monetary area or in the common currency improves the welfare, measured by consumption by head, strongly and significantly. Ultimately the ECOWAS economies are not robustly symmetric. Relative to the misalignment of the exchange rate the non-Participation in the WAEMU is not better, except for Ghana and Nigeria. For all ECOWAS economies, the participation in a common currency or in a monetary area is better for their welfare, measured by the consumption by head. The ECOWAS common currency project is subsequently relevant for monetary union non-Participants economies of the sub-Region.

Au début des années 2000, les pays africains se sont engagés dans des projets d'unions monétaires régionales dans le but de créer une monnaie unique pour tout le continent à l'horizon 2028. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser le bien-fondé d'une telle stratégie, à partir notamment des enseignements qui peuvent être tirés de l'expérience des pays de la zone CFA. Plus précisément, nous analysons les conséquences du choix de ces pays consistant à ancrer leurs monnaies communes à une monnaie extérieure et nous cherchons à savoir s'il est souhaitable ou pas de transposer l'expérience de ces pays à d'autres régions en Afrique.Dans une première partie, nous revisitons les critères d'optimalité des zones CFA et ZMAO en nous intéressant à la dynamique des taux de change réels. Nous mettons en évidence des similarités intéressantes entre les pays de l'UEMOA, le Ghana, la Gambie et la Sierra Léone d'une part et entre le Nigéria et la CEMAC d'autre part, indiquant que ces deux groupes de pays pourraient chacun partager une monnaie commune. Nous suggérons également que les critères d'optimalité de la théorie des zones monétaires optimales ne sont pas forcément pertinents. Ainsi, nous montrons, qu'à défaut d'être optimale, la zone CFA, en facilitant les équilibres interne et externe comparativement à d'autres pays d'Afrique Sub-saharienne (ASS), est une zone monétaire soutenable.Dans une seconde partie, nous nous intéressons aux implications économiques du régime de change des pays de la zone CFA qui s'apparente à ce que nous avons appelé un « double ancrage » (c'est-à-dire appartenance à une union monétaire et ancrage de la monnaie commune). Nous montrons que l'appréciation réelle du franc CFA au cours de la dernière décennie s'explique par l'ancrage à un euro qui s'est continuellement apprécié depuis 2001. Elle a conduit à réduire les gains de compétitivité réalisés à la suite de la dévaluation de 1994 et à accroitre les effets négatifs de l'appréciation du taux de change sur la croissance de ces pays. Enfin, en analysant les différences de performances économiques entre les différents régimes de change en vigueur dans l'ASS, nous avançons l'idée selon laquelle un régime d'union monétaire sans ancrage à une monnaie externe pourrait être une meilleure option pour ces pays. / Since the early 2000s, African countries are engaged in regional monetary unions' projects in order to create a single currency for this continent in 2028. The aim of this PhD thesis is to analyze the relevance of such a strategy upon the lessons learned from the experience of the CFA zone countries. Specifically, we analyze the consequences of the choice of those countries to anchor their common currencies to a foreign currency and we look to see whether it is desirable or not to replicate the experience of the CFA zone in other African regions.In a first part, we revisit the arguments about optimum currency areas of the CFA and the WAMZ zones, by studying real exchange rate dynamics. We find interesting similarities between WAEMU and Ghana, Gambia and Sierra Leone as well as between Nigeria and CAEMC, indicating that each of these groups of countries could share its common currency. We also argue that the arguments about optimum currency areas have proved to be less than relevant. Thus we show that, if not optimal, the CFA zone, by facilitating internal and external balances compared to other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), is a sustainable monetary area.In a second part, we focus on the economic implications of the exchange rate regime of the CFA countries which consists in what we have called a "double anchoring" (i.e. a monetary union in which the common currency is anchored to a foreign one). We show that the real appreciation of the CFA franc, in the last decade, is due to its peg to the euro that has continuously appreciated since 2001. This appreciation has led to reduced competitiveness gains achieved with the 1994 devaluation and to increase the negative effects of exchange rate's appreciation on economic growth. Finally, analyzing the differences in economic performances between the exchange rate regimes adopted in SSA, we suggest that a monetary union without an external anchor currency could be a better regime for these countries.