¡@The economic reform and the Open Door Policy undertaken in Mainland China has been carried out for more than 20 years since 1978 by Deng Xiaoping. Mainland China has been advocating herself to the rest of the world, and the development of domestic regional integration is also taking place. The differences between the provinces and regions in China is basically very huge. And in the process of economic reform, decentralisation, the gradural withdraw of the central government from certain functions, all accelerate the cleavage of different regions. ¡@How do the provinces cooperate with each other? What is the key features in the process of economic integration? We distinguish two models in this article. One is regionalization, which refers to bottom-up process where the most important driving forces for economic regionalization come from markets, from private trade and investment flows, and from the policies and decesions of companies, rather than resulting from predetermined plans of national or local government. Here we exaime the triangle territory of Guangdong Province and Hong Kong and Macao. Conversely, regionalism is used here to refer to top-down process- the concious and deliberate attempts by national state to create formal mechanism for their economic good. Such regionalism is defined as political and intergovernmental project, and here we exaime the south-west provinces in Mainland Chind, thus the forces of intergration is mainly from the local government. Through the two cases, we highlight the uneven nature of regional economy, and the cases suggest that attempts to forster regional integration have been most successful when governments facilitate, rather than control.

The paper studies the regional integration as the unique process which depends on the degree of cooperation and interchange among regions. The generalisation of existing approaches for regional integration has been classified by the criterions. The data of the main economic indicators have been analysed. The economic analysis proves the differences in production endowments, the asymmetry in fixed capital investment, the disproportional income, and foreign direct investment distribution in 2001 – 2005 in Ukrainian regions. Econometric modelling depicts the existence of the division for the industrial regions with high urbanisation and backward agrarian regions in the Ukraine, the industrial development disparities among regions; the insufficient infrastructure (telecommunications, roads, hotels, services and etc.), the low labour productivity in industrial sector, and insufficient regional trade.

Introduction: The trade relationship between the European Union (EU) and African coun-tries based on regional groupings, under the framework of Economic Partnership Agree-ment(EPAs) came to play in most countries in January 2008. It replaces the preferential trade treatment granted by the EU under the Lomé convention and Cotonou agreement which allowed African, Carribean and Pacific countries(ACP) greater access to EU markets as a means of leveraging African exports, and encouraging the competitiveness of African economies in the global economy. Method: This work explores basically secondary data sources on EU trade with regional blocs in Africa over the course of the last 27 years. Special attention is given to thematic concerns in the area of intra-regional trade, balance of trade as well as market share. Graphically presentations are utilized in certain instances across the work to serve illustra-tive purposes and to highlight trends established. Conclusion: The study uncovers compelling evidence suggestive of imbalances in trade be-tween the EU and her trading partners in Africa. It is anticipated that these imbalances could shrink export benefits for the African countries concerned. There is reason to be-lieve that problems associated with implementation of EPA‟s, deriving from the distinct development context of the various countries concerned will hamper their development prospects. As it is at the moment, it is quite obvious that these countries will have to live with the consequences of these agreements and strive to cope with new economic realities that seem clearly difficult to reverse.

Abstract This thesis ¡§the Cooperation Partnership between China and ASEAN in the Post-Cold War Era¡¨ is analyzed mainly by functionism approach. By facing the new international situation, namely globalization, China continues to pursue economic modernization. China¡¦s modernization was, is and will be a positive factor for regional stability and economic growth in Asia. At the same time, ASEAN have strong interest in China¡¦s successive economic reform. In this context, China and ASEAN underscored their commitments to handling their cooperation partnership in accordance with the principles of mutual benefits and equality, and agree to promote dialogue for the possibility to establish a free trade area between ASEAN and China. If the cooperation partnership in economic integration does work successively and can spill-over to political cooperation, China and ASEAN will be in the near future as major power to shape the new order in Asia.

Russia has abundant natural resources, and also has the broadest land distribution in the world. Geographically Russia has the benefit in transportation with the European Union, and also has high complementarities in economics and trade fields. Therefore, both sides maintain a close cooperation. Under the European Union expansionist policy, not only have Russia and European Union further regional cooperation, but also the recruitment of Eastern European countries to the European Union, causes an enhancement of conflicts of interest between Russia and European Union. Under the globalization and the regionalization process, Russia creates huge amount of foreign exchange earnings by exporting energy sources. However, in order to achieve the bilateral dialog and mutual recognition, Russia has to achieve domestic market mechanism multiplication to reach the European Union open market standard, as well as domestic politics democratization that conforms to the European Union free democracy definition. This article uses Neo-functionism to discuss the developmental direction of Russia under the European Union policy. Based on the interaction between Russia and the European Union, this article analyzes how Russia seeks the balance between the national sovereignty localization and regional cooperation while at the same time it faces national interest conflicts during the process of the regional conformity. The article also predicts the short and medium term relationship between Russia and the European Union.

<p><em><p>Introduction:</p><p>The trade relationship between the European Union (EU) and African coun-tries based on regional groupings, under the framework of Economic Partnership Agree-ment(EPAs) came to play in most countries in January 2008. It replaces the preferential trade treatment granted by the EU under the Lomé convention and Cotonou agreement which allowed African, Carribean and Pacific countries(ACP) greater access to EU markets as a means of leveraging African exports, and encouraging the competitiveness of African economies in the global economy. <em></em></p><p>Method:</p>This work explores basically secondary data sources on EU trade with regional blocs in Africa over the course of the last 27 years. Special attention is given to thematic concerns in the area of intra-regional trade, balance of trade as well as market share. Graphically presentations are utilized in certain instances across the work to serve illustra-tive purposes and to highlight trends established. <em><p>Conclusion:</p>The study uncovers compelling evidence suggestive of imbalances in trade be-tween the EU and her trading partners in Africa. It is anticipated that these imbalances could shrink export benefits for the African countries concerned. There is reason to be-lieve that problems associated with implementation of EPA‟s, deriving from the distinct development context of the various countries concerned will hamper their development prospects. As it is at the moment, it is quite obvious that these countries will have to live with the consequences of these agreements and strive to cope with new economic realities that seem clearly difficult to reverse. </em></em></p>

The primary focus of this dissertation is to determine the degree to which political, economic, and socio-cultural elites in Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago influenced the development of the Caribbean Court of Justice’s (CCJ) original jurisdiction. As members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), both states replaced their protectionist model with open regionalism at the end of the 1980s. Open regionalism was adopted to make CARICOM member states internationally competitive. Open regionalism was also expected to create a stable regional trade environment. To ensure a stable economic environment, a regional court with original jurisdiction was proposed. A six member Preparatory Committee on the Caribbean Court of Justice (PREPCOM), on which Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago sat, was formed to draft the Agreement Establishing the Caribbean Court of Justice that would govern how the Court would interpret the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (RTC) and enforce judgments. Through the use of qualitative research methods, namely elite interviews, document data, and text analysis, and a focus on three levels of analysis, that is, the international, regional, and domestic, three major conclusions are drawn. First, changes in the international economic environment caused Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago to support the establishment of a regional court. Second, Jamaica had far greater influence on the final structure of the CCJ than Trinidad & Tobago. Third, it was found that in both states the political elite had the greatest influence on the development and structure of the CCJ. The economic elite followed by the socio-cultural elite were found to have a lesser impact. These findings are significant because they account for the impact of elites and elite behavior on institutions in a much-neglected category of states: the developing world.

Yes

Yes / How, after 1945, did France and Germany succeed in overcoming their rivalry, a rivalry marked by numerous bloody conflicts, to heal the wounds of the past and work towards a common European future? How, after 1994, did Rwanda succeed in overcoming the devastation of the genocide and reconcile its communities, to become a key actor in East African regional integration? These two difficult reconciliations are at first sight very different, but they warrant comparison, in order to gain a better understanding of the strategies which enabled each party in each case to overcome the most unimaginable challenges. Through their respective approaches, addressing the scars of the past and via respectful joint acts of remembrance, France and Germany on the one hand and the Rwandan communities on the other, have been able to rediscover peace and form a desire to work together as well as with their neighbors towards attaining a more prosperous future.

Yes / A large body of literature exists in the area of trade integration in various regions of the world (for instance Mongelli, Dorrucci & Agur 2005 for EU; Chen and Nory 2011 for EU; Bouet, Cosnard & Laborde, 2017 for Africa, Athukorala & Yamashita 2006 for East Asia; Bussiere, Fidrmuc and Schnatz 2005 for Central and Eastern European countries). However, not much literature is available on South Asia trade and economic integration. Intra-regional trade just formed only 5% (in absolute terms 23$ billion) of South Asia’s total trade in comparison with the ASEAN region (25%) (World Bank). This is indeed perplexing as the countries within the region even though heterogeneous in terms of size and governed by different political ideologies, yet share similar cultural and historical closeness, high level of poverty and low level of human development (Arora and Ratnasari 2014). Among the factors influencing low formal intra-regional trade are high trade barriers, high level of mistrust among the countries leading to several conflicts especially between India and Pakistan. This chapter examines some of these issues and especially examines the association between low human development, institutional development and regional integration. / The full-text of this chapter will be released for public view at the end of the publisher embargo - 12 months after publication.