A pesquisa tem como objetivo primário compreender os desafios da integração de infraestrutura regional na América do Sul. Partindo do estudo das obras de interconectividade de infraestrutura sob a égide da Iniciativa de Integração de Infraestrutura Sul-Americana (IIRSA). Analisam-se as irregularidades na execução das obras, de forma a ressaltar seus impactos no esforço regional de integração. A hipótese central da pesquisa é a de que o processo de integração regional de infraestrutura depende da normatização supranacional que obrigue aos países a elevação dos parâmetros de qualidade de execução das obras de infraestrutura. A análise mobiliza o arcabouço teórico oferecido pela literatura de Bens Públicos Regionais, a Nova Geografia Econômica e a Abordagem Neo-Regionalista, levando a uma revisão do pensamento neo-funcionalista sobre a integração. A ferramenta metodológica utilizada para o teste de hipóteses é o process-tracing. / This research aims primarily at understanding the challenges regarding the regional infrastructure integration in South America. Studying the infraestructure interconnectivity Works of the Innitiative for the Integration of Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA), irregularities in public Works execution are analysed, aiming at stressing their impacts on the regional integration effort. This reaearch\'s central hypothesis is that the regional infrastructure integration process depends on supranational normatization which obliges countries to raise their quality standards on infrastructure public works. The analysis uses the theoretical framework offered by Regional Publi Goods theory, New Economic Geography and the New Regionalist Approach, leading to a revision of neo-functionalist thought on integration. The methodological tool used for hypothesis testing is process tracing.

This paper presents a case study of a regional integration called East African Community (EAC) that associates Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda later joined Rwanda and Burundi. The main research question is the reason for creation of the EAC. Congruence method is used to answer this question with further investigation to confirm existence of the causal relationship. There are three theories used to formulate a hypothesis concerning formation of the EAC - neofunctionalism, realism and liberal theory of international relation in the form reformulated by Andrew Moravcsik. Neofunctionalism cannot explain emergence of the EAC as strong supranational actor, key neofunctionalists feature, is not present. Spillover process also does not occur. Realism also fails to provide an explanation, although the end of the Cold War brings shift in global power structure. East Africa is also endangered by economic marginalization caused by integration of other parts of the continent. However intrastate and regional political instability and security threats were more important at that time. The EAC also does not correspond with the notion of only low politics integration. Liberalism offers most reasonable explanation that integration is based on common interest in development and fight against poverty. Common historical...

This study is an attempt at determining the normative legitimacy of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). At its core, it scrutinizes the current mandate of the organization following the layering of economic integration objectives with human rights protection, sustenance of democracy, and the rule of law. The study discusses the elements of legitimacy across disciplines mainly, international law, international relations and political science. Legitimacy is eventually split along two divides, the normative and descriptive/sociological aspects. The study traces the normative content (shared/common values) underlying integration in Africa, concluding that integration has been born on new ideals such as human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Expectedly, Regional Economic Communities (RECs) as building blocks of the prospective African Economic Community (AEC) under the African Union (AU) regime are mandated to play a vital role in moving the continent forward upon these values. The inquiry is extended to the institutions of ECOWAS to determine their capacity to effectively implement the new mandate of the organization and operate supranationally. In the process, key legal and institutional shortcomings are discussed, particularly in relation to national institutions. It is argued that while human rights protection enhances the normative legitimacy of ECOWAS, it must not be pursued in isolation. Economic integration and protection of citizens’ rights are co-terminus and mutually reinforcing. Hence, community institutions must reflect this link if they are to be effective. The study concludes on the note that, while ECOWAS possesses layers of legitimacy, and have carried out legitimation steps, it cannot be considered a legitimate organization if Member States continue to be non-compliant with community objectives and if key legal questions remain unaddressed. It is submitted that ECOWAS is merely undergoing legitimation, whether it can eventually be considered a legitimate organization is dependent on addressing the identified challenges.

This thesis examines the EU's influence on regional cooperation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Mercosur in South America and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) by drawing on concepts from diffusion studies. It argues that conventional perspectives have tended to view different cases of regionalism as independent phenomena reflecting particular structural, institutional or ideational conditions, mainly internal to the respective region itself. I propose instead to conceive of regional organisations as asymmetrically interdependent, in that the EU as the most successful regional grouping in the international system influences other regional organisations in important respects; yet in ways that are ill-captured by the conventional depiction of external influence as a form of coercion. The central question addressed in this thesis is thus: Under what conditions and in what ways does the EU affect the trajectory of formal rules in regional cooperation elsewhere? I advance three main arguments. First, I suggest that given the EU's ideational and material power in global regionalism, it is likely to act as a focal point in debates about regional rule change around which actors' expectations converge when being confronted with an exogenous cooperation problem. This renders EU influence difficult to escape. Second, I argue that there are two dynamics by which EU influence affects outcomes in global regionalism - the EU as switchman and as driver. While the former leads policy-makers to choose EU-type rules instead of similarly viable alternatives given a particular cooperation problem, the latter affects the very incentives for regional rule change and thereby acts as an independent driver of regional cooperation. Third, I argue that, in terms of outcomes, EU influence has been highest in SADC, lower in Mercosur and lowest in ASEAN, mainly reflecting different degrees of material and ideational interdependence between the EU and other regions. Yet, policy-makers' widespread reluctance to share national sovereignty has sharply delineated the boundaries of EU influence in all three regions. I test these arguments across three central areas of regional cooperation: market building, institution building and community building.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / With the absence of a bipolar international system and the rise of globalization, there are two tracks of foreign diplomatic and economic policy that nation-states can pursue. These can be competing or complementary. The first is global integration. The other course is to concentrate on regional integration. The European Union is the best example of this today. Latin America also faces a choice in its future. MERCOSUR, the "Common Market of the South" is an economic initiative that offers promise of economic development. Begun in 1991 as an economic agreement between four nations in the Southern Cone, MERCOSUR made large gains in regional trade during its initial years. As the global economy began lagging at the turn of the century, proponents for MERCOSUR have had a more difficult time arguing its benefits. Should MERCOSUR survive this test, it could emerge stronger and continue to expand along the same lines politically and militarily as the European Union. This thesis will open by examining the evolution of MERCOSUR compared to the model of the European Union. The next chapter will focus on the problems the Common Market has faced since its inception and how the actors have dealt with them. It will offer the corrective steps necessary for the project to succeed. The final chapter will focus on economic nationalism. What is it and will it derail Mercosur? The answer may be startling to some. The conclusion will summarize the arguments made and make a prediction on the future of MERCOSUR, the "Common Market of the South." / Major, United States Marine Corps

Os estudos sobre a realidade econômica, social e cultural das regiões periféricas denominadas zonas de fronteira constituem desafios de difícil articulação e consenso nas agendas governamentais como parte do processo necessário para fortalecimento dos mercados regionais, por não considerarem na maioria das vezes as assimetrias regionais e locais necessárias para uma verdadeira inserção no processo de integração, já que a fronteira é vista, no senso comum, como limite, como área de separação e divisão social, econômica e política. Este trabalho busca mostrar a fronteira e toda a dinâmica que a envolve como área de contato entre povos, e também as especificidades que constituem vantagens comparativas regionais, através de uma análise, considerando a indiscutível capacidade que tem o turismo de gerar incidências significativas sobre os territórios dos quais se apropria. Sob a perspectiva da Geografia Regional, apresentamos a formação contemporânea dos municípios da faixa de fronteira distribuídos espacialmente ao longo da fronteira do Estado de Mato Grosso, entre as cidades de Cáceres a San Ignácio de Velasco, as quais desempenham o papel de pólos regionais da possível integração em questão, delimitando assim a área do presente estudo. Para alcançar esses objetivos, a pesquisa teve início com a definição teórica pertinente bem como dos conceitos relevantes para então realizar a observação empírica. A metodologia adotada permitiu identificar algumas especificidades das interações sociais, econômicas, culturais e políticas dos municípios através da análise crítica regional, apoiada em ampla investigação bibliográfica e observações de campo. Buscou-se, assim, conhecer de perto os aspectos sócio-culturais e produtivos que ocorrem em cada município, bem como entre eles, o que tem contribuído tanto para a formação de uma base regional, como para o surgimento e ampliação de novas territorialidades advindas do processo histórico local e das relações contemporâneas de caráter sócio-cultural e produtivo, criando assim, um panorama que pode servir de parâmetro pra outras análises, reforçando a idéia de que o turismo é uma atividade produtora e consumidora do espaço geográfico. / Studies on the economic, social, and cultural reality of peripheral developing regions called border zones are difficult challenges of articulation and government agenda consensus as part of the necessary process for strengthening of regional markets as most of the time they do not consider the regional and local differences necessary for a true integration process, since the border is commonly seen as the limit area of separation and social, economic, and political division. This paper aims to show the border and all the dynamics that it involves as an area of contact between people, and also the specificities that are regional comparative advantages, through an analysis, considering the unquestionable ability of tourism to generate significant impact on territories which it appropriates of. From the perspective of Regional Geography, we present the formation of contemporary counties in the border strip spatially distributed along the border of Mato Grosso and Bolivia, more specifically between the towns of San Ignacio de Velasco and Caceres, which play the role of \"regional clusters\" of possible integration in question, thus delimiting the area of this study. To achieve these objectives, the research started with the theoretical definition of appropriate and relevant concepts and then makes the empirical observation. The methodology allowed identifying some characteristics of the social, economic, cultural and political interactions policies of municipalities through the regional review, based on extensive literature research and field observations. Therefore it was sought close monitoring of the socio-cultural and productive aspects that occur in each city, as well as between them, which has contributed as much to form a regional basis, as to the emergence and expansion of new territoriality resulting from the process of local history and contemporary relationships of socio-cultural and productive character, thus creating a panorama that can serve as a parameter for further analysis, reinforcing the idea that tourism is an active producer and consumer of geographical space.

Esta pesquisa investiga o relacionamento entre as políticas públicas de imigração e o debate midiático sobre o tema, a fim de reconhecer os possíveis elos entre o debate público e o debate político em democracias modernas. O objetivo é verificar como se dá o processo de formação de políticas públicas através dos discursos apresentados por países envolvidos em organizações de integração regional. A pesquisa buscar apontar atores, instituições e temas mais relevantes para a definição das políticas de imigração através da análise de políticas públicas de imigração criadas na Alemanha, Áustria, Suíça e na União Europeia após 1999 e da análise do debate midiático em jornais da Alemanha e da Áustria em 1999 e 2009. As discussões indicam que os debates públicos e político e o debate midiático se encontram interligados nos países estudados e o debate midiático pode ser compreendido como um espaço de discussão com possibilidades de alimentar as discussões políticas. A pesquisa também aponta que as políticas públicas de imigração abrigam tendências para a cooperação internacional e para ações unilaterais. Da mesma forma, evidencia-se que a questão da imigração se localiza no ponto de encontro entre questões de segurança nacional e direitos humanos nos debates políticos contemporâneos. / This research investigates the relationship between migration public policies and the media debate over the issue of migration, aiming on recognizing connections between the public and political debate in modern democracies. Its main objective is to examine the construction process of public policies through the discourses presented by countries immersed in regional integration organizations. The research searches for the most relevant actors, institutions and themes in the definition of public policies by means of analyzing migration public policies in Austria, Germany, Switzerland and at the European Union from 1999 on and examining the media debate in newspapers in Germany and Austria in 1999 and 2009. The discussion indicates that public and political debates are intertwined with media debate and that it can be further understood as a forum for discussion with great chances of providing arguments for political discussions. It further points out that migration public policy shelters both tendencies for international cooperation and unilateral actions by countries. Likewise, it evinces that migration is found at a focal point between concerns about national security and human rights in the contemporary political debate.

O início da década de 1990 marcou um período propício para que os países empreendessem mudanças na agenda de política externa, buscando adaptar-se a um cenário econômico instável e politicamente despolarizado. Tal foi o caso da Argentina. É durante o primeiro período do Governo Menem (1989-1994) que ocorreu uma mudança significativa no modelo de política externa. Este fato representou uma ruptura em direção à tentativa de conquistar credibilidade junto à comunidade econômica internacional e na busca de estabilidade da economia. O objetivo central desta dissertação é analisar a política externa argentina durante a administração do presidente Carlos Menem (1989-1999), especificamente sobre como o alinhamento automático com os Estados Unidos influenciou o relacionamento da Argentina com Chile e Brasil. Após assumir a presidência, Menem estabeleceu duas prioridades quanto à agenda do País para a reinserção argentina no chamado mundo ocidental, listados de forma decrescente: o alinhamento com a política externa dos Estados Unidos e o fortalecimento das relações com os países limítrofes. Trata-se de analisar mais profundamente como os princípios teóricos se aliam às iniciativas no plano conjuntural. A hipótese é que do relacionamento da Argentina com Brasil e Chile foi influenciado pela postura da Argentina frente aos EUA. Tratase de fazer um estudo mais sistemático das iniciativas de cooperação entre Argentina e seus países vizinhos, que tenham sido influenciadas, direta ou indiretamente, pela prioridade dada aos Estados Unidos. A análise destes eventos dá-se a partir dos princípios do realismo periférico. / The beginning of the 1990s represented a particular period for changes in the foreign policy field. The aim of the countries was to adapt to an economically unstable and multipolar world. That was the case of Argentina. During the first Menem´s presidency (1989-1994) Argentina had a remarkably change in its foreign policy. Its aim was to enhance its credibility with the international economic community and the economic stability. This work tries to analyze the foreign policy of Argentina during Menem´s government (1989-1999). In particular on how the relationship with The United States affected the relations between Argentina and its neighbors, Chile and Brazil. To reinsert the country into the Western World, Menem established two priorities: alignment with the foreign policy of the United States and the strengthening of relations with the neighboring countries. The hypothesis is that the relationship between Argentina with Brazil and Chile was influenced by the priority relation of Argentina with The United States. The analysis of the events will be related with theory of the peripheral realism.

O estudo das percepções das elites de Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile e Venezuela sobre a integração sul-americana e o apoio à superação da pobreza no contexto regional, consistiram nos principais objetivos deste trabalho. Fundamentando-se na definição de elites da corrente pluralista, foram analisadas as percepções de cinco categorias: governos, partidos políticos, empresários, sindicatos e atores sociais. As teorias de integração regional definem as elites como os principais condutores destes processos. Estes atores são responsáveis por difundir os valores e expectativas positivas da integração regional para toda sociedade, contribuindo ao desenvolvimento dos blocos regionais. Para compor o estudo, foram utilizados dados das entrevistadas realizadas com 829 membros das elites sul-americanas, aplicadas em 2008, ademais dados de fontes primárias foram utilizados para enriquecimento da análise. A década de 2000 foi marcada pela ascensão de governos de inclinação esquerdista, quando novas lideranças emergiram no papel das elites sul-americanas. Ademais, neste cenário foi identificada a conformação de um regionalismo baseado menos em questões comerciais, privilegiando as dimensões políticas e sociais, que vem sofrendo críticas pelos seus opositores. A partir da análise desta tese, o estudo contemplou quatro objetivos específicos: 1. demonstrar o interesse de cada segmento sobre a integração regional; 2. conhecer o apoio ao combate à pobreza e desigualdade por cada grupo de elite; 3. revelar quais políticas de redução da pobreza obtêm maior sustentação no âmbito regional; 4. apontar as principais divergências nas percepções das elites sobre a conformação destas políticas e sobre o aprofundamento da integração regional. As principais conclusões alcançadas resumem-se em alguns pontos. Os valores e percepções das elites são norteados por crenças político-ideológicas, os quais resultam na discordância entre elas em algumas questões. As elites empresariais se identificaram com a vertente política de direita, foram as mais propensas a apoiarem as organizações internacionais em detrimento do regionalismo, e também foram as elites menos predispostas na distribuição igualitária das riquezas entre toda população. Em oposição, os sindicatos se identificaram com o prisma político de esquerda, sendo os mais favoráveis à integração regional, bem como à distribuição de riquezas entre toda população. Por sua vez, as elites partidárias, governamentais e atores sociais demonstraram diferenças de percepção no cerne dos seus próprios segmentos, denotando discordâncias que dificultam ainda mais a consolidação da integração regional e o enfrentamento em conjunto da pobreza no cenário sul-americano. / The study of the perceptions of the elites in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile and Venezuela considering the South American integration and the support to overcome poverty in the regional context, consisted in the main goals of this work. It is grounded by the pluralist conception of elites. The perceptions were analyzed in five categories: governments, political parties, entrepreneurs, labor unions and social actors. The regional integration theories define the elites as the main conductors of these processes. Thus, these actors are responsible for spread out the values and positives expectations of the regional integration all over society, contributing to the development of the regional blocks. To compose this study, data based upon interviews were used, accomplished with 829 members of the South American elites, applied in 2008, further, primary data sources were used to the analysis enrichment. The first decade of 2000s was marked by the rise of the leftist governments, when new leaderships emerged in the role of the South Americans elites. Furthermore, in this scenery was identified the conformation of a regionalism based less in commercial matters, privileging the political and social dimensions, which has been suffering critics by the opponents. From the analysis of this thesis, the study addresses four specific goals: 1. to demonstrate the interest of each segment on the regional integration; 2. to know the efforts to combat poverty and inequality by each elite group; 3. To reveal which poverty reduction policies obtain larger support in the regional scope; 4. to evince the main divergences between the elite perceptions and the conformity of these polices to the regional integration improvement. The main conclusions are summarized in some aspects. The values and perceptions of the elites are guided by political and ideological beliefs, which result in disagreement in some matters. The managerial elites identify with right-wing policies, opting for international organizations interest instead of the regionalism, and they also were the less inclined elites in the equitable growth and income distribution. However, labor unions identify with the left-wing policies, being the most favorable to the regional integration, as well as the equitable growth and income distribution. Nevertheless, the political parties, government and social actors demonstrate differences in perceptions of their own interest area, causing disagreements that jeopardize the regional integration improvement and also the equitable growth and poverty reduction in South American.

A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a política externa brasileira para a América do Sul durante os governos Lula (2003-2010), a fim de entender porque a integração regional foi a prioridade da política externa brasileira durante esse período. Nesse sentido, a hipótese a ser avaliada é que a atuação diplomática pragmática na América do Sul tem como objetivo a legitimação da posição de líder regional do Brasil, o que garantiria ao país a proeminência no cenário global, que corresponderia, por sua vez, ao percurso mais favorável para angariar uma posição de destaque no sistema internacional vigente. Para tanto, o trabalho contará com três momentos: a revisão histórica do tema (a integração regional como prioridade da política externa brasileira); a análise da atuação brasileira para a América do Sul durante os governos Lula; e a comprovação teórica da hipótese a partir de uma modelagem que categoriza o Brasil como um país intermediário. / This thesis aims to analyze the Brazilian foreign policy for South America during the Lula government (2003-2010) in order to understand why regional integration is the priority of Brazilian foreign policy during this period. The hypothesis being evaluated is that this pragmatic diplomatic performance in South America aims to legitimize the position of regional leader from Brazil, which would guarantee the countrys prominence in the global scenario, generating a shortcut to have a more favorable position in the international system. The document will have three stages: the historical review of the subject (regional integration as a priority to Brazilian foreign policy); the Brazilian performance analysis for South America during the Lula government; and the theoretical proof of the hypothesis suggested using a modeling that classifies Brazil as a middle power.