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The aim of this thesis is to examine the Anglo-Thai relations during the period between 1945-1954, with special reference to the diplomatic, political and security aspects. This thesis begins with the discussion on the Anglo-Thai peace negotiations for the settlement of war between the two countries leading to the signing of the Anglo-Thai Formal Agreement on January 1, 1946. I end the thesis at 1954 because, by the end of the year, Thailand had succeeded in fashioning itself as the bastion of Western defence in Southeast Asia. Chapter Two and Three examine the Anglo-Thai relations before and after the November coup of 1947 and the subsequent return of Pibul Songgram to office in April 1948. As always the case in international politics, after an unusual change of government, the question of recognition will be discussed in details. The subsequent chapters deal with the Malayan-Thai border relations. Chapter Four and Five examine the development of the Malay unrest in South Thailand in the context of the Anglo-Thai relations. The outbreak of the Communist insurgency in Malaya in mid-1948 had further complicated the situation along the Malayan-Thai border. Chapter Six examines early border collaboration to suppress the Malayan Communists along their common border. Chapter Seven examines the practicalities of the Anglo-Thai Border collaboration with special reference to the Malayan-Thai Police Border Agreement of September 1949. Chapter Seven and Eight focus on Indochina crisis and the Anglo-Thai response to the Viet Minh invasion of Laos and the Thai's appeal to the Security Council. The last chapter deals with the formation of SEATO. In her search for security against Communist threat, Thailand joined SEATO in September 1954. This thesis concludes with a summing up on the Anglo-Thai relations during the 1945-1954 period. This work is based mainly on the British Colonial Office, Foreign Office and the US State Department Records and personal papers of Tengku Mahmood Hahyideen, Tengku Abdul Jalal and Miss Barbara Whittingham-Jones.

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In many ways this thesis is concerned with the meaning of the term 'Naga' especially when it is applied in the identification of historical material culture held in British museums. In the examination of the development and use of Naga collections in British museums, the connections with the ethnology and anthropology of the 19th century are explored. It is fitting, therefore, that we should begin with a reiteration of the early explanations of the word 'Naga', for whilst the theoretical basis and aims of this thesis are different, it could, ironically, be said to be following on from the work of early writers and their search for meaning. The many different early definitions of 'Naga' are of interest for two reasons. First, they give an impression of their writers' ideas, and secondly because they indicate the starting point for the collection of Naga material culture. The following examples are not given in any particular order: from nangta or nanga meaning 'naked' (Butler 1875, Dun 1886, Shakespear 1914); from the name Naga used in the Mahabharat meaning 'beautiful dragon', like the beings against whom the hero Arjuna fought (Dun 1886); from nok meaning 'folk' in some dialects (Chakravorty 1964 from Gait 1826); from the word naga meaning 'snake'; from the Kachari work Naga meaning a 'young man' or 'warrior' (Woodthorpe 1881-82, who also noted the 'naked' and 'snake' explanations); from Na-Ka meaning 'people or men or folk with pierced ears', a name given by the Burmese to Nagas and possibly passed on to the British (Hokishe Sema 1986). Essentially the word seems to have been a derogatory term applied by local outsiders, such as the people of the plains, to the people of the hills, and it was then taken up and used by the British. As early as 1841 Robinson recorded that 'whatever the origin of the word Naga, it appears that the appellation is entirely unknown to any of the hill tribes themselves'. The preoccupation with the derivation of the word continues, for in 1986 Hokishe Sema, as noted above, was suggesting that the name was known in Burma from Na-Ka, and the British got to know of Nagas from the Burmese wars 1795-1826. The practical looseness of definition was realised in the 19th century and comes across in the work of Butler (1875) where he stated that Naga is a 'comprehensive term ... including the whole group of cognate races ... hill and upland' and then gave limits around the compass by reference to geographical features and approximate lines of latitude and longitude; he also suggested that the Kachin and Chin were offshoots of the Nagas. In 1886 Dun firmly noted that: In cases where a large number of tribes have been classed together (Abors, Singphos, Nagas), the differences between tribes separated socially and geograpically from one another have, since the imposition of the name, been discovered to be so great as to suggest doubts as to the advisability of attempting any such wide generic classification. The imposition of the name is the crux of the matter, with connotations for modern identity. Whatever its origin, the term Naga is now used with pride by some hill peoples on the periphery of mainland South-East Asia, predominantly those around what is now the international border of India and Myanmar. Hokishe Sena, a Naga, gives a contemporary view in noting that 'it is a name given by outsiders' and was long resented by the people 'till political expediency caused it to be accepted as describing the separate identity of these people as distinct from other ethnic tribal people and also from the people of the country at large'. Thus, the term Naga already can be seen to offer layers of complex meanings, from its application by outsiders including the British in the 19th century to the centrality of its political use today. It is against this background that this study discusses the ethnography and anthropology of the Naga peoples, particularly in relation to their historical material culture which was collected in the 19th and 20th centuries by the British and deposited in museums in Britain.

The period AD 1200-1600 was a time of great change in South Sulawesi, which saw the rise and development of the major kingdoms that came to dominate the political landscape in later centuries. The advent of regular external trade with other parts of the Indonesian archipelago from about 1300, and its increase in subsequent centuries, provided the major stimulus for the rise and development of the Bugis and Makasar kingdoms. Rice appears to have been the major product that the lowland kingdoms of South Sulawesi exchanged with foreign traders, and the demand for this appears to have stimulated a major expansion and intensification of wet-rice agriculture. In this thesis I focus on five South Sulawesi kingdoms, collectively known as Ajattappareng. Through a combination of oral, textual, archaeological, linguistic and geographical sources, I explore their rise and development from about 1200 to the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the Makasar kingdom of Goa defeated and Islamised the neighbouring Bugis kingdoms. I also present an inquiry into oral traditions of a historical nature in South Sulawesi, encompassing their functions, processes of transmission and transformation, their uses in writing history and their relationship with the written register. I argue that any distinction between oral and written traditions of a historical nature is largely irrelevant, and that oral and written information collectively make up a large corpus of knowledge that can be recalled, or referenced, whenever the need may arise. I also argue that the South Sulawesi chronicles, which can be found for a few kingdoms only, are an anomaly in the corpus of indigenous South Sulawesi historical sources.

The thesis provides the first description and analysis of long-term economic change and development in the Peninsular Malaysian State of Perak from about 1800 to 2000. Although a considerable number of studies have been undertaken on the colonial economy of Perak focusing on tin and rubber production, given the vital importance of these commodities and of Perak's position in the British imperial enterprise, very little research has been done in relating the state's pre-colonial status and its colonial development to post-independence transformations. The thesis coordinates and re-evaluates the material on colonial period concentrating particularly on the available statistical data and the relations between tin, rubber and rice. It then links colonial developments with contemporary change by examining the three key economic elements of land, labour and capital, and utilises a considerable amount of government economic data on the recent period. It also considers the relations between the policies and practices of the colonial and post-colonial state and processes of economic development. It argues that the role of the state, though different and changing, has been vitally important in promoting and underpinning economic transformations from British intervention in 1874 until the present. The major change can be characterised as the transition from a primarily 'natural' economy to a 'state capitalist' one.

This thesis attempts to evaluate the lending policy of Thailand's Bank for Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives (BAAC) from a developmental perspective. Firstly the question of access to institutional credit is examined in terms of the distribution of BAAC loans spatially and by the economic status of borrowers; secondly, the study uses the case study approach to analyse the farm-level effectiveness of three types of lending instrument a) short-term production loans, by scale of farming operation and access to irrigation (the "credit-only" model); b) short-term production loans with extension support (the credit extension model) and; c) long-term investment loans disbursed within the project framework (the project lending model). One of the case studies is drawn from the Central region and two from the Northeast. The results of the study indicate that for a variety of reasons, BAAC directs subsidised loans mainly towards the country's most agriculturally productive areas and most economically secure farmers. This orientation is long-established and is likely to have contributed to the problem of inequality in the distnbution of income and wealth in rural areas. Since 1975, institutional credit has been an important part of a government strategy to increase the flow of funds and provision of support services to the rural sector. The Bank has recruited large numbers of relatively poorer farmers. However, using farm-size as a measure of economic status shows that BAAC clients generally have larger farms than their neighbours. In the Northeastern region, the percentage of BAAC clients with farms below the median is only 11 per cent compared to 23 per cent for the Central and Eastern regions and 20 per cent country-wide. The bulk of loan disbursement is also directed towards medium- and large-scale farmers. Inter-provincial variations in the recruitment of and disbursement of loans to small-scale farmers, are explained in terms of varying strategies employed by branch managers to meet the terms and conditions of the Branch Evaluation Procedure, despite convincing evidence that repayment rates for this group are as good if not better than for larger-scale operators. Regardless of the Bank's economic orientation farm-level analyses of the effects of short-term borrowing show that production loans are most critical to and are used most effectively by small-scale farmers, particularly those in rainfed areas. At present, however, the farm-level effect of technical support, given in association with loans to small-scale farmers, though positive, is still weak. Improvement in the impact of the credit-extension model will depend on further development of the working relationship between BAAC and the Department of Agricultural Extension (DoAE). The effectiveness of long-term project loans, in terms of increasing the productive capacity and income-generating potential among smallscale farmers, is also limited. The challenge to the Bank is to develop projects that meet the Bank's criteria with regard to financial viability and also yield a good return to the borrower after loan repayment obligations have been met. The extent to which the BAAC can provide an equitable and effective service within the context of rural development policy as a whole, depends on active government intervention to prevent the erosion of the Bank's capital base, promotion of the type of interagency cooperation necessary to provide integrated support services to farmers, and prioritisation of planning for the small farm sector.

The main objective of this study is to examine to what extent, how and why gender issues influence the process of migration decision-making and social change through the combination of household relations and gender relations. The rationale underpinning this objective was that such changes have brought about considerable adjustments to livelihood strategies when faced with some social and economic constraints. There are two main themes to be investigated in this study: (1) to examine the interrelationships between household relations, gender relations and other external socio-economic factors in the framework of the process of migration decision-making, and (2) to examine the extent to which migration reversal and re-migration have acted as household coping strategies in different ways between male and female migrants during the current economic crisis in Thailand. With respect to the first theme, household relations, gender relations, and other external factors are examined in the specific context of migration decision- making, which are hypothesised to differ between male and female migrants. The analysis will examine the factors that have a genuine influence on migration decision-making, comparing factors internal to the household and external factors. These will be explored not only in connection with contemporary migration flows but also in relation to patterns of migration across time, through the collection of information on community histories and migration histories in the study areas. The focus will be on male and female migration, out- and return-migration, and migration reversal and re-migration. The second theme aims to investigate the rural household coping strategies that have been deployed in the context of the economic crisis in the light of patterns of migration reversal and re-migration. This is done in order to examine the gender dimension in the contemporary process of migration in relation to household economic constraints and also their responsiveness in the face of rapid social and economic change. Within these overall themes, the investigation emphasises the ways in which gender issues and social change interact with the migration decisions of individuals and households within the rural communities. Two key issues, namely the influence of household relations and gender relations on migration decision-making amongst migrants and other household members, are highlighted throughout the thesis.

The years immediately following the formation of Malaysia in May 1961, were an especially critical time in Brunei's political development. The key issues connected with the Malaysia proposal, namely the Brunei Revolt 1962, Brunei's refusal to join the Federation, Communist connections with the Party Rakyat Brunei (PRB), the claim to Limbang, foreign involvement in Brunei's internal politics and lastly, the British role in ensuring the survival of the Brunei Islamic State will be examined in depth. The main focus of this study is to trace the political development of Brunei from the announcement of the Malaysia Proposal in May 1961 by Tunku Abdul Rahman up to the abdication of Sultan Sir Omar Ali Saifuddien III in 1967. As background, the thesis also examines the proclamation of the Brunei Constitution in 1959. However, the implementation of the Constitution did not give sufficient power for the people to voice their opinions in the affitirs of the state. This led to the formation of a left-wing political party known as the Brunei People's Party or Party Rakyat Brunei in 1956. The PRB subsequently opposed any policies introduced by the government and demanded the introduction of full democracy in the state. This was the beginning of conflict between the people and the government in modem Brunei political history. The conflict intensified in 1961 when Tunku Abdul Rahman proclaimed the Federation of Malaysia comprising II Malayan States, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei. The issue of whether or not to join the Federation posed a dilemma for Brunei. The situation worsened when the Sultan announced his decision to support the concept of Malaysia in principle in December 1961, whereas most of his subjects were opposed to it. As a result, a revolt broke out on 8th December 1962 led by the PRB. However, after the revolt the Sultan refused to join Malaysia, which resulted in him raising the claim to Limbang. In the meantime, the internal political conflict in Brunei intensified and led to the involvement of Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia, the United Kingdom and Communist elements. The conflict spread beyond Brunei's borders and resulted in its involvement in the Malaysia- Indonesia Confrontation in 1963-1966. At the same time, the British also tried to push Brunei into the Federation of Malaysia between 1963-1966 in order to hasten its independence and to ensure the survival of the Sultanate. However, the Sultan was not interested in this idea and preferred to stay out of the Federation. Eventually, Sultan Omar Ali Saifaddien, who depended on the British for the survival of his Malay Islamic Monarchy, abdicated from the throne in 1967 in favour of his son, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah Muzzaddien Waddaullah. Therefore, the concept of Malaysia and its formation had influenced the internal and external political development of Brunei in the period 1961-1967. Ultimately, however, Brunei has been able to sustain and maintain itself as a Malay Islamic Sultanate to the present day.

This thesis analyses the relationship between Indonesian nationalism and ASEAN regional integration, with specific reference to the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (AFTA). Traditionally, the relationship between nationalism and regionalism has most often been characterised as contentious. This thesis, however, challenges the argument that nationalism and regionalism cannot co-exist, and argues instead that the two ideologies can stand in a symbiotic relationship to each other. The relationship between nationalism and regionalism can be conflicting or mutually exclusive, but can also sometimes be mutually reinforcing. Therefore, nationalists today are not necessarily hostile to free trade and closer economic ties with other states. In 1992, members of ASEAN agreed to closer economic integration through the formation of AFTA. In principle, this agreement was made to increase the international competitiveness of ASEAN industries and to make the Southeast Asian region an attractive investment location. This thesis analyses the contemporary attitude of Indonesians towards this trade agreement. During the signing of this trade agreement, little opposition was expressed by Indonesian domestic actors because within Indonesian politics at the time Indonesian foreign economic policy was the business of the President, the Nfinistry of Foreign Affairs, the military, and a handful of members of the academic I community. The wave of democratisation that emerged as a result of the economic crisis of 1997 allowed for the greater involvement of domestic actors in determining Indonesian foreign economic policy. Although the majority of the Indonesian political elite remain supportive of AFTA, some Indonesian pressure groups, particularly non-governmental. organisations (NGOs) and civil society organisations (CSOs), have expressed their scepticism. Despite this, scepticism about AFTA is not a result of increased nationalist sentiment in Indonesia, but is due instead to the lack of proper information disseminated to these pressure groups. ii