This thesis is an attempt to bring to light the value and importance of gardening and varietal diversity maintenance in the indigenous Jê-speaking Ramkokamekra-Canela community of Maranhão, Brazil. Formerly a semi-nomadic community with small garden plots, the modern-day Canela have become subsistence horticulturalists with a dual garden plot system where species and varietal diversity thrive. Thus, the thesis seeks to understand this transformation through a focus on mythic, historical, and contemporary accounts of gardening activities and practices that appear to promote and maintain cultivated crop diversity. Through a comparison with other Jê-speaking communities in northeast and central Brazil, the thesis posits that Canela gardening and varietal diversity maintenance incorporate the transformation and continuity that are common aspects of Jê 'life-worlds.' Additionally, through an exploration of everyday gardening practices and individual and communal rituals in and around garden spaces, the thesis suggests that Canela gardening can best be conceptualized as a series of multi-sensory, embodied engagements between human gardener 'parents' and their growing plant 'children.' In order to explore these engagements fully, the thesis draws on phenomenological (in particular that promoted by British anthropologist Tim Ingold) and other approaches that seek to question the boundaries between the biological, cultural, and social dimensions of life. It is argued that in the emergent Canela 'bio-sociocultural life-world,' certain relational pathways between and among human gardeners and cultivated plants become valued and meaningful through an 'aesthetics of landscape' that incorporates multiple sensory modalities. Thus, the 'bio-sociocultural aesthetics' theoretical approach is put forward as a comprehensive way of understanding the Canela life-world and the myriad human-nonhuman engagements that unfold through and within it.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of a little documented indigenous group, the Warekena people, who live on the Xié River in north-western Amazonia. Examining the mythic histories of the animate riverscape, my work offers an overview of the emergence of riverside dwelling: starting with a macro view of Xié river lifestyles, I explain how seasonal and distinguishing historic-mythic narratives tie in to wider idioms, and to experiences of social reproduction. I focus on reproductive processes and the perinatal period, highlighting methods used by Xié dwellers to nurture healthy, quality-conscious lifestyles, and I examine Xié aetiologies and pathologies. Mindfulness, or awareness, is viewed as a key component of good health. In this context, healthy childbirth is for the birthing mother an art form, a practice for which her total life experience has prepared her. Childbirth is ranked with such other painful experiences as snakebite, and both childbirth and snakebite are opportunities for personal growth. Infant care is seen through the lens of specific, hands-on techniques that promote mindful states in both the carer and the cared for. Mindfulness emerges as a heuristic device that allows us to scrutinize the Amerindian soul and body, also elucidating soul-loss in the ‘animist’ lived world. I argue that mindfulness is a core characteristic of the ‘cool’ hydrocentric and status-conscious lifestyles of Xié river dwellers, and that it defines what it means to be a person, the Xié way.

There is increasing evidence that aspects of human eating may be 'addictive'. Much of the existing literature examining this focuses on specific foods or individual pathologies of 'addiction'. Qualitative research methods, in particular content analysis, offers a rich opportunity to better understand 'addictive' aspects of human eating through the stories shared by those who have experienced compulsive eating. This research examines two different organizations that use storytelling as a tool for changing eating behaviours. Overeaters Anonymous (OA) and Weight Watchers (WW) began in the United States in the early 1960s as mutual support groups designed to help members with problems of compulsive overeating. This research examines: 1) the ways that OA and WW addressed 'addictions' with food when they were first formed; 2) how each organization has changed over time; and 3) the ways that identities are constructed through the telling of stories within each programme. For this thesis, I used historical analysis, in-person and online participant observation, and content analysis as research methods. I found that while OA and WW once similarly addressed 'addictions' with food, this is no longer the case. WW no longer understands their members as fundamentally different from others in the ways that they eat, and OA now welcomes members with a variety of different compulsive eating behaviours. However, similar themes regarding identity emerged from the OA and WW stories used in this research. OA and WW members describe that they acquire different belief systems regarding health and how to eat in each programme. In comparing these two organizations, how each has changed over time and the shifts in identity described by OA and WW members, this research identifies aspects of everyday living that members of both groups similarly highlight as important factors influencing compulsive eating. Based on these findings, I then assess to what extent a new framework for understanding 'addiction' may be needed, and conclude by suggesting further areas of research that would be suitable for constructing this.

The Republic of Nauru, a small Pacific island nation, has one of the highest obesity rates in the world. Obesity emerged rapidly in Nauru during the 1970s, a period characterised by political independence and unprecedented economic growth resulting from lucrative phosphate mining. In the mid-1970s, the Nauruan population was one of the first in the world in which obesity, diabetes mellitus and cardiovascular disease – co-morbidities associated with obesity – were identified as significant public health concerns. Such ‘lifestyle diseases’ continue to have debilitating effects on the Nauruan community. Obesity is generally understood to result from an energy imbalance; that is, people eat and drink more calories over time than they expend. This biomedical paradigm is implicit in the majority of research relating to obesity, such that the lifestyle to which obesity is attributed is limited to diet and activity. Yet in practice, lifestyle is much more than this. The lifestyle of a particular group is related to political, legal, religious, economic and value systems, modes of education, communication, transport and healthcare, and styles of art, music and entertainment. In this thesis I draw on ethnographic participant observation carried out in the Republic of Nauru during 2010-11, life history interviews, and diverse historical materials to answer three questions. First, what characterises the Nauruan lifestyle? Second, in what ways did the Nauruan lifestyle change over the second half of the twentieth century, the time period during which obesity and diabetes rapidly escalated? Finally, how might these changes be linked to the emergence and persistence of ‘lifestyle diseases’ in Nauru? I focus on one characteristic that stood out prominently in many different aspects of Nauruan life: ‘island time’, or the suggestion that there is ‘No Action Unless Really Urgent’. In theorisation of obesity, such living for the moment has been interpreted as laziness, pleasure-seeking or lack of self-control. However, a deeper analysis reveals that island time emerged gradually in the latter half of the twentieth century as Nauruans incorporated market-derived moral values into their everyday lives. This has led to profound changes in the way people feel when engaged in social exchanges, and is linked to temporally-shorter and more spatially dispersed social networks. I thus recast living for the moment as representative of a social trend rather than individual self-interest, and obesity as a phenomenon associated with the space between bodies rather than within each one. This leads me to consider more closely the links between social relationships and health. In Nauru, as in many societies, it is difficult to disentangle the biological and the social; the same feeling of unhealthiness, for example, is associated with being clinically ill and having a fight with a loved one. Yet many activities that are associated with tightening social networks, and which are prominent in the lifestyle characterised by island time – eating, drinking, or sitting and gossiping, for example – are also associated with obesity emergence. As a result, being biomedically healthy and feeling healthy are now somewhat incompatible in Nauru. In concluding, I argue that the adoption of economic rhetoric into everyday life has re-shaped moral values, everyday social relationships, and the demographic health profile on Nauru.

No description available.

This thesis is about food practices and change among Mexican migrants living in West Queens, New York City. Public health research suggests that Mexican migration to the US has a negative impact on food practices, with diets being less nutritious over a migrant’s stay in the United States and obesity being more common among longer-term than more recently-arrived individuals. Through ethnography, I explore how migration shapes food practices and examine the nuanced process of nutritional change that is often obscured in large-scale epidemiological studies. Food practices are important not just because they shape vulnerabilities to chronic diseases but also because they serve as prisms by which to examine migrants’ lives, pressures and aspirations. The three aims of this ethnography are to explore the food practices that Mexicans engage in after migration; to examine the social, temporal and political-economic contexts shaping food practices and change; and to describe how migrants themselves makes sense of nutritional change. I explore these themes using the approach of structural vulnerability, which views health practices and outcomes as influenced by social structures, relationships and inequalities. In so doing, I provide a critique of the public health literature’s use of the concept of acculturation to explain food practices, which largely obscures the role played by structural contexts and constraints. Through participant observation, conversations and interviews with Mexican migrants in West Queens, NYC, I have identified three contexts shaping food practices and change after migration: household dynamics and labour division; time constraints and work schedules; and the ‘food environment’, referring to the availability of food items and weight loss products. Gender dynamics, documentation status and class modified the way in which these contexts were perceived and negotiated by informants, which had further consequences on food practices. In these settings, informants were often encouraged to consume high-energy foods and large portions, to replace meals with snacks, to eat prepared or convenience foods, and to experiment with weight loss products. To rationalize nutritional change and body size disparities, informants employed multiple discourses. Some discourses emphasized the role of structural contexts and constraints related to time, money and documentation status, while others emphasized the role played by cultural beliefs, habits and acculturation. An ethnographic approach informed by structural vulnerability serves to articulate how the everyday lives and social contexts in which Mexican migrants are embedded, shape experiences of nutritional change. This thesis exposes a disconnect between the way in which the public health literature conceptualizes nutritional change and how it is lived ‘on the ground’.

The objective of this thesis is to examine which socio-economic, structural and cultural factors may influence Indian women’s propensity to contract HIV and later their ability to access the relevant healthcare services for their condition. The research draws on two theoretical frameworks, the first being Barnett and Whiteside’s (2002) concept of social structural factors of disease transmission. Second, Anderson and Aday’s (1981) model of access examines how a variety of structural and resource-based factors, e.g. area of residence, can influence usage of healthcare facilities. Two stages of data analysis were undertaken, the first being secondary statistical analysis of the National Family Health Survey III. The survey provided state level estimates on the HIV sero-status of the general population in India and data on demographic and socio-economic determinants for family planning, nutrition, utilization of healthcare and emerging health issues. The second stage of analysis consisted of a set of qualitative interviews conducted in Andhra Pradesh, India. Thirty-three interviews were conducted with female sero-positive patients and ten with HIV-infected women who were providing social services to others with the same condition. Statistical results on social structural determinants of HIV transmission illustrated that Indian women who were formerly married (OR=5.27, CI=3.07-9.04), lived in higher prevalence states (OR=3.48, CI=2.19-5.54), had a low level of education (OR=2.27, CI=1.40-3.68) and were employed (OR=1.45, CI=0.96-2.18) had significantly (<.05) higher odds of being HIV-positive in comparison to those who were not. Findings in the qualitative phase of analysis were similar but participants’ narratives illustrated that their risk of contracting HIV begun before they even had the opportunity to seek a match as they seemed to live in communities with a high level of HIV prevalence. Many of the participants commented that there were factors outside of their sphere of control, e.g. lack of education, which resulted in them having a narrow choice of potential partners. Additionally, statistical results on female participants’ access to healthcare services indicated the vast majority of HIV-positive respondents were almost certainly not aware of their sero-status as they had not undertaken an HIV test prior to the survey. As the sample of female HIV infected respondents was relatively small, it was difficult to ascertain which social factors had an impact on these participants utilisation of HIV testing services. On the other hand, respondents’ narratives from the qualitative stage of research highlighted on social structural factors which could potentially influence WLHA’s continual utilisation of HIV-related healthcare services. It was found that participants experienced the most barriers to accessing healthcare facilities in the initial phases of their treatment. These barriers were mediated by the structure of healthcare services, culturally sanctioned medical practices (e.g. physicians refusal to inform the patient of their sero-status) and quality of services.

This thesis is concerned with plants, chronic illness and medicine in Oku, Northwest Region, Cameroon. I focus on patient strategies to obtain effective medical outcomes, and on how such outcomes may be obtained through seeking traditional medicine in Oku. I argue that biomedical notions of efficacy do not appropriately represent the central and diverse roles that plants play in traditional medicine nor do they correctly represent how people in Oku evaluate the efficacy of plant-based traditional medicine. I argue instead that efficacy must be understood in terms of the emic concept of power. This power is understood to be located in the Oku landscape, which is still uniquely forested and said to embody powerful ancestral spirits. With plants as the primary tangible material of power, and traditional doctors in Oku as those who claim exclusive rights to manipulate and disperse such power, I discuss traditional medicine in Oku as a system wherein power from the natural landscape is drawn upon to challenge harmful powers feared to derive from the social arena. Using the pragmatic and phenomenological approaches, I show how patients evaluate the efficacy of a medical treatment based on their bodily experiences, and how their actions, as revealed in their therapeutic trajectories, reveal their satisfaction or dissatisfaction with a given diagnosis and/or therapy. I discuss how enduring illness generates and exacerbates bodily, treatment-outcome, social, and psychological uncertainties. In this context, effective outcomes can be understood as those which address and limit these uncertainties and anxieties while offering ways to imagine hopeful prognoses. This thesis then outlines the major sources of uncertainty, people’s responses to such uncertainties, and what people might achieve in terms of limiting uncertainties by seeking traditional medicine in Oku.

This thesis gives an experiential account of notions of the home in contemporary rural China. Based on a year of fieldwork in a mountain village in rural Shanxi Province, the thesis explores everyday and ritual practices to investigate how people make themselves at home under conditions of political economic transformation. Villagers accommodate and resist conflicts of interest by negotiating boundaries of insiders and outsiders through the home. Differences of gender and generation come to the fore as people compromise between aspiration and pragmatism within the home under conditions of resurgent market competition. The theoretical concern of the thesis lies in connecting wider social processes to personal life projects through the intimate sphere of the home. The rhythm of the seasons patterns the thesis into spring, summer, autumn and winter chapters, as the seasons were pivotal in ordering people’s everyday practices and ritual activities within a shared social and ecological environment. The opening chapter on the autumn harvest coincided with my arrival in the village. The chapter explores how labour, and particularly women’s labour, transforms the earth into affective belonging, and how women negotiate conflicts over food consumption between the agricultural and market economy. The winter chapter parallels tales of personal life history with wider kinship networks across various generations, while simultaneously tracing bodily pathways from the domain of the hot stove in the home to the cold grave in the fields. The next chapter begins with the celebratory periods of springtime during the New Year Festival, a time of ritual renewal in the home when women partook in a local domestic ritual of propitiating the little spirits of the house. At Qingming Festival villagers’ practices of worshipping the ancestors in the fields were juxtaposed with a tour company’s staging of an elaborate ritual revival of star worship in the village. Conflicting aspirations over the future of the past thereby tore fissures into the emerging ritual terrain between outside spectacle and inside convergence. The last ethnographic chapter looks at the summer as a time for regenerating life, particularly through marriage and children. Reciprocal caring cycles between different generations of women are central to balancing domestic and occupational aspirations in negotiation with the local implementation of the family planning policy. House-based rituals at children’s birthday parties and bridal farewell ceremonies formally celebrate the roles of matrilateral relatives.

This thesis is based on a qualitative research which followed the construction process of a self-sustaining house Earthship that is located in the larger centre of Prague. I am making use of Tim Ingold's approach of ecological anthropology which allows me to track the lines of the material flow and the exchange of materials which take place within the house and during the construction process of the Prague Earthship. Apart from humans there are other actants involved in these construction processes, that is non-human materials and elements of the natural environment which the building is an integral part of and which it is embedded in. With the help of the Ingold's concept of meshwork I interpret the Earthship as a living and dynamic organism, which is connected to its environment and which is through its becoming involved in various social processes. The materiality of the building navigates actions of its builders and residents and directs them to changing their life style and everyday practices towards more sustainable consumption.