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This study examines the production of a new regional space known as the Growth Triangle. The Growth Triangle represents a (re)integration of the economies of Singapore, the Riau Archipelago in Indonesia and Johor State in Malaysia. It is argued that the Growth Triangle should be seen as an ‘open region.’ The open region is affected by a wide range of ‘external’ influences and is open to shifting representations which are important to its unfolding. The study takes on the interpretation of the open region through a consideration of the unstable and amorphous realm of ‘middle space.’ Middle space is manifold. It includes: 1) the middle spaces between the global and the local; 2) the middle spaces between conceptual divisions (e.g., urban/rural and labour/capital); and 3) the middle spaces of circulation (i.e., connections between individuals, firms and places). The triangulation of these three arenas provides a heuristic device for the examination of the changes sweeping the Growth Triangle. The analysis moves from a time when the region’s global niche was based on the movement of goods to more recent developments where-in the movement of information and capital are crucial. The global flows of information and capital are the ‘winds’ of the title. The region, and various ways of conceptualizing it, are the ‘shadows.’ The main findings are that: 1) global change must be seen in terms of local roots and consequences; 2) local differentiation and the representation of difference are increasingly important, even in the frame of globalization; 3) analytic strength may be gained by dulling the edges of interpretive constructs (such as information or labour); 4) there are strong connections between the circulation of goods, people, money and information (spatial interaction) and the generation of new and distinct geographies (areal differentiation); and 5) there are strong linkages between Singapore’s shift towards advanced world city functions (‘intensive globalization’) and the mega-urbanization of the near-by international hinterlands (‘extensive globalization’). To understand each of the three corners of the Growth Triangle one must engage Singapore as a World City and as an Open Region.

This study examines the production of a new regional space known as the Growth Triangle. The Growth Triangle represents a (re)integration of the economies of Singapore, the Riau Archipelago in Indonesia and Johor State in Malaysia. It is argued that the Growth Triangle should be seen as an ‘open region.’ The open region is affected by a wide range of ‘external’ influences and is open to shifting representations which are important to its unfolding. The study takes on the interpretation of the open region through a consideration of the unstable and amorphous realm of ‘middle space.’ Middle space is manifold. It includes: 1) the middle spaces between the global and the local; 2) the middle spaces between conceptual divisions (e.g., urban/rural and labour/capital); and 3) the middle spaces of circulation (i.e., connections between individuals, firms and places). The triangulation of these three arenas provides a heuristic device for the examination of the changes sweeping the Growth Triangle. The analysis moves from a time when the region’s global niche was based on the movement of goods to more recent developments where-in the movement of information and capital are crucial. The global flows of information and capital are the ‘winds’ of the title. The region, and various ways of conceptualizing it, are the ‘shadows.’ The main fmdings are that: 1) global change must be seen in terms of local roots and consequences; 2) local differentiation and the representation of difference are increasingly important, even in the frame of globalization; 3) analytic strength may be gained by dulling the edges of interpretive constructs (such as information or labour); 4) there are strong connections between the circulation of goods, people, money and information (spatial interaction) and the generation of new and distinct geographies (areal differentiation); and 5) there are strong linkages between Singapore’s shift towards advanced world city functions (‘intensive globalization’) and the mega-urbanization of the near-by international hinterlands (‘extensive globalization’). To understand each of the three corners of the Growth Triangle one must engage Singapore as a World City and as an Open Region.

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Note: / This thesis isolates four distinct patterns of production in the economic history of the Ahtna Athabascan Indians of the Upper Copper Valley, Alaska in the period from the 1700's to 1974: the aboriginal period of production for use and the periods dominated by mercantile capitalism; monopoly capitalism; and state capitalism. The period of mercantile capitalism involved the introduction of commodity fur production and the beginnings of a dependence upon commodities used as the means of subsistence production. The period of monopoly capitalism involved the introduction of wage labour and a fuller dependence upon commodities as the means of subsistence production. The period of state capitalism involved a fuller dependence upon wage labour and a direct dependence upon commodities. The common thread through the diverse periods of Ahtna history is the progressive rise and elaboration of a Native class society. The nature of the national economies, the type of commodity production introduced, and the role of commodities introduced are shown to be crucial in this development. / Cette thèse met en évidence quatre modes de production distincts dans l'histoire économique des indiens Ahtna Athabaskans de la haute "vallée du cuivre" en Alaska pour la période allant environs de 1700 jusqu'en 1974: l'époque aborigènes de production de denrées d'usage, puis les époques dominées respectivement par le capitalisme des grandes compagnies de négoce, le capitalisme des monopoles et le capitalisme d'état. L’époque des grandes compagnies de négoce correspond à l'introduction de la production de fourrures pour la vente et au début d’une dépendance aux marchandises utilisées comme moyens de production des denrées de subsistance. Celle du capitalisme des monopoles entraine l'apparition du travail salarie et le fait de dépendre d'une manière plus totale de l'achat d'ustensiles permettant de subvenir aux besoins. Enfin époque du capitalisme d’état correspond [...]

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What explains the historical emergence of coordinated economic institutions for human capital formation and welfare provision? Surveying roughly one millennium of political and economic development in Germany, the Netherlands and France up until 1914, this thesis argues that da-ting back to the Middle Ages, the earliest forerunners of modern economic coordination could develop only in institutional complementarity with a specific form of political decentralisation, connected via their jointly enabling effect on collective action. This mutually re-enforcing com-plementarity gave rise to societies organised around the principle of subsidiarity, in which an often structurally unclear distribution of decision-making powers prompts political and eco-nomic actors to coordinate across different hierarchical levels. The comparison of eventually federal Germany with the ultimately unitary Netherlands - both of which developed significant patterns of economic coordination - demonstrates that political decentralisation under subsidi-arity does not simply equal the modern (American) reference model of clear-cut, rights-based federalism. Meanwhile the experience of strongly centralised France highlights that without this decentralisation, institutions of economic coordination hardly develop. Collective action is diffi-cult to harness if subsidiarity is absent because on the central state level, and unlike in economically more homogenous local contexts, economic interests often remain too diverse to coordi-nate. The historical result has been the emergence of decentralised-coordinated political econo-mies under subsidiarity in Germany and the Netherlands, and of a centralised, non-coordinated system in France. A better understanding of these institutional complementarities can help us historically inform recent scholarly debates on the emergence of modern political-economic organisation in the 19th century and on current governance problems in the Eurozone. The thesis seeks to contribute to the historical study of comparative political economy by highlighting how particular complementary institutions of political and economic governance have co-developed over time. It is argued that this understudied aspect of institutional development is crucial for understanding processes of continuity and change in advanced capitalism.

This study examines the production of a new regional space known as the Growth Triangle. The Growth Triangle represents a (re)integration of the economies of Singapore, the Riau Archipelago in Indonesia and Johor State in Malaysia. It is argued that the Growth Triangle should be seen as an ‘open region.’ The open region is affected by a wide range of ‘external’ influences and is open to shifting representations which are important to its unfolding. The study takes on the interpretation of the open region through a consideration of the unstable and amorphous realm of ‘middle space.’ Middle space is manifold. It includes: 1) the middle spaces between the global and the local; 2) the middle spaces between conceptual divisions (e.g., urban/rural and labour/capital); and 3) the middle spaces of circulation (i.e., connections between individuals, firms and places). The triangulation of these three arenas provides a heuristic device for the examination of the changes sweeping the Growth Triangle. The analysis moves from a time when the region’s global niche was based on the movement of goods to more recent developments where-in the movement of information and capital are crucial. The global flows of information and capital are the ‘winds’ of the title. The region, and various ways of conceptualizing it, are the ‘shadows.’ The main findings are that: 1) global change must be seen in terms of local roots and consequences; 2) local differentiation and the representation of difference are increasingly important, even in the frame of globalization; 3) analytic strength may be gained by dulling the edges of interpretive constructs (such as information or labour); 4) there are strong connections between the circulation of goods, people, money and information (spatial interaction) and the generation of new and distinct geographies (areal differentiation); and 5) there are strong linkages between Singapore’s shift towards advanced world city functions (‘intensive globalization’) and the mega-urbanization of the near-by international hinterlands (‘extensive globalization’). To understand each of the three corners of the Growth Triangle one must engage Singapore as a World City and as an Open Region. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

This study examines the production of a new regional space known as the Growth Triangle. The Growth Triangle represents a (re)integration of the economies of Singapore, the Riau Archipelago in Indonesia and Johor State in Malaysia. It is argued that the Growth Triangle should be seen as an ‘open region.’ The open region is affected by a wide range of ‘external’ influences and is open to shifting representations which are important to its unfolding. The study takes on the interpretation of the open region through a consideration of the unstable and amorphous realm of ‘middle space.’ Middle space is manifold. It includes: 1) the middle spaces between the global and the local; 2) the middle spaces between conceptual divisions (e.g., urban/rural and labour/capital); and 3) the middle spaces of circulation (i.e., connections between individuals, firms and places). The triangulation of these three arenas provides a heuristic device for the examination of the changes sweeping the Growth Triangle. The analysis moves from a time when the region’s global niche was based on the movement of goods to more recent developments where-in the movement of information and capital are crucial. The global flows of information and capital are the ‘winds’ of the title. The region, and various ways of conceptualizing it, are the ‘shadows.’ The main fmdings are that: 1) global change must be seen in terms of local roots and consequences; 2) local differentiation and the representation of difference are increasingly important, even in the frame of globalization; 3) analytic strength may be gained by dulling the edges of interpretive constructs (such as information or labour); 4) there are strong connections between the circulation of goods, people, money and information (spatial interaction) and the generation of new and distinct geographies (areal differentiation); and 5) there are strong linkages between Singapore’s shift towards advanced world city functions (‘intensive globalization’) and the mega-urbanization of the near-by international hinterlands (‘extensive globalization’). To understand each of the three corners of the Growth Triangle one must engage Singapore as a World City and as an Open Region. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

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