The period from c.718 to c.1000 oversaw the reconquest of a significant part of the Iberian Peninsula by the Kingdom of Asturias (718–910) and its successor in León (910–1037); the study of this process of Reconquista has in recent years focused on two broader social changes: the increasing exploitation of the peasantry, and the eclipse of public power. In the Introduction, I argue that it is necessary to integrate the study of peasant societies with analyses of royal and aristocratic power; reframing the subject in this way, we are able to appreciate the diversity of social experience which characterized both peasant and aristocratic life across the two case studies here examined, Southern Galicia, and the Liébana. I argue that the tenth century must be seen on its own terms, and without the benefit of hindsight, if we are to characterize it fairly. Chapter Two discusses the source material I have used in the elaboration of this thesis, highlighting its uses and problems from a critical perspective. In Chapter Three I show that fluid social structures allowed a family to rise to power from amongst the village inhabitants of the Liébana. Public officials such as counts were not able to impose themselves frequently upon this society. In Chapter Four, I show how a rich and aristocratic family of lay magnates, based in southern Galicia, were major political operators from the ninth century, but only came to exercise significant social influence amongst local society after the construction of the monastery of Celanova in 936. My Conclusion contextualizes these changes; it also argues that more nuanced and less schematic approaches to social relations demonstrate that peasants retained considerable autonomy in this period, and that factional politics influenced the stability of kingship far more than the supposed eclipse of public power.

This thesis focuses on the economies of Roman ports and their role in the facilitation and organization of maritime trade, combining both terrestrial and maritime archaeological evidence as well as literary and epigraphic material. The first half of the thesis examines Mediterranean ports from a panoptic level in order to address questions of systems of trade, connectivity and economic development. In doing so, I focus on three particular areas of material culture: ceramics, shipwreck cargoes (typically composed of amphorae, metal ingots or stone) and epigraphy. The second half of the thesis focuses on two case studies, southern Turkey and southern France. For each region, I explore the economic factors which led to the development of each region and the ways in which ports enabled this development. I consider the impact of landscape, the usage of natural resources and the extent of production for both local consumption and export. Importantly, I examine the regional connections of the two regions and their interactions within the wider Mediterranean. I develop a model for the development of ports along each coastline and their degree of integration into the trading network of the Roman Mediterranean. Building on this, it becomes possible to assess the extent and scale of extra-regional interaction and market integration. From the evidence presented in this thesis, I argue that ports were at the core of the Roman market economy and that the development of a port network allowed for the integration and interdependence of Mediterranean markets. This allowed for regional economic growth through the specialization in the production of goods for which a region had a comparative advantage.

My work is a socio-historical study of the institution of the gymnasium in Egypt, of its evolution and role in the assertion of certain aspects of ‘Greek identity’ in Ptolemaic and early Roman times. It is divided into four sections. (1) Attention is devoted to the study of the gymnasium itself, as institution, analysing its diffusion, foundation, internal organisation and the role played by associations which were hosted therein. The constitution and the characteristics of the governing body (with special attention to the role of the gymnasiarchs) and the financial matters relevant to the gymnasium allow one to draw conclusions on its legal status and social role: it is shown how the gymnasium of Egypt operated in a completely different way from the traditional one which is normally assumed for the Greek poleis, especially of mainland Greece and above all Athens. A possible model of influence is suggested. (2) Starting from the rules of admission into the gymnasium and from the treatment of the outsiders, the social status and social composition of the members of the gymnasium are object of enquiry, focusing on the links with the army and the public administration. It is argued that the gymnasial community should be considered as a complex reality, formed by different components belonging to various levels of the social strata. (3) Educational, religious and recreational activities carried out in the premises of the gymnasium or strictly connected to it are taken into account to give an idea of the ‘daily life’ of the institution and of the ‘behaviour’ of its people, which was likely to be the result of a feeling of ‘shared identity’. (4) The concluding section draws the attention to the issue of identity of the people of the gymnasium more clearly: relation with the ‘others’ and idea of Greekness the people of the gymnasium had about themselves (influenced by the rulers’ policies), access to gymnasia, onomastics, elite classes, mixed marriages, reception of Egyptian burial methods and cults, advantage of ‘going Greek’. It is argued that, although having in the gymnasium the key-element for the assertion of their identity and status of Hellenes, the ‘Greeks’ of Egypt displayed complex patterns of mixed identities and were thoroughly embedded in the social, cultural, religious, and administrative environment of Egypt.

This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.

Si l'institution d'un Consulat de la mer à Civitavecchia en 1742 s'inscrivait avec retard dans un mouvement de réappropriation de l'exercice de la justice, l'événement symbolisait à la fois les prétentions romaines en matière de mercantilisme et les contradictions de son application pratique. Cette création institutionnelle devait en effet composer avec une ambigüité propre aux ports francs : être à la fois une porte d'entrée au commerce international et le filtre des échanges étrangers. Dans un contexte où le commerce ‘actif' devenait la ligne politique du pouvoir, le quotidien des acteurs économiques s'apparentait plutôt à une réinterprétation sociale des règles locales. Les agents institutionnels étaient en effet très souvent liés aux protagonistes du commerce. Acteurs économiques et institutions étaient alors à même d'incarner les normes avec un haut niveau de flexibilité. À ce titre, dans un contexte de création et d'affirmation d'une identité ‘étatique', l'insertion initiale des capitaines étrangers par l'intermédiaire de l'appareil normatif réglant les trafics maritimes romaines concrétisait la patiente accumulation de savoirs informels et la construction d'un réseau d'intermédiaires stratégiquement positionnés. Des savoirs qui furent un tremplin professionnel et économique mêlant pluriactivité et stratégies d'interprétation institutionnelle. Jouant en effet sur leur condition de stranieri ayant la capacité d'agir comme sudditi pontifici, ces capitaines et marins devinrent par la suite des opérateurs marchands économiquement profitables et incontournables. / If the creation of the Consolato del mare court of Civitavecchia in 1742 was the late expression of an ancient and global movement for the restoration of a State-controlled justice, it also epitomizes the pontifical contradiction in the application of mercantilism. This institution was however facing the free ports ambiguity: at the same time opened to international trade and supposed to screen foreign activity. Above all, the mercantilist political context pushed the economic actors to a daily reinterpretation of local rules. Indeed, institutional agents were usually connected with the protagonists of trade. Therefore, economic actors and institutions were able to enforce justice with a high degree of flexibility. As such, in a context of creation and assertion of a State identity, the initial insertion of foreign captains by the means of normative apparatus regulating papal maritime trade gave concrete expression to the slow accumulation of informal skills and the development of a network of strategically positioned go-betweens. Such skills revealed to be a professional and economic stepping stone, combining diversified activities and institutional interpretation strategies. Using their condition of stranieri, with the ability to act as sudditi pontifici, these captains and seamen became economically profitable and crucial merchant actors.

Au XIXe siècle, la construction navale traditionnelle constitue une importante branche de l'économie maritime provençale. Elle est surtout l'affaire d'entreprises privées et n'est pas un simple prolongement des pratiques du passé. Marquée par des caractères originaux, elle est le fruit de ses capacités à évoluer en s'adaptant aux demandes des marchés. La hiérarchie des chantiers privés change au fil du siècle. Si Marseille reste le foyer majeur, les productions traditionnelles de La Ciotat et de La Seyne marquent le pas, celles de Toulon, Arles et Antibes stagnent ; à Saint-Tropez elles connaissent un réel essor, avec la livraison de grosses unités, tandis qu'à Martigues elles dominent le marché des bâtiments de petit cabotage. Cette évolution s'accompagne d'une modification des modèles construits. Pour les navires de fort tonnage, les types méditerranéens polacre, pinque, barque et brigantin laissent rapidement la place aux formes atlantiques brick, brig-goélette et trois-mâts. Seule la bombarde, purement méridionale, résiste jusque dans les années 1830 alors que l'emblématique tartane, trop souvent confondue avec le bateau, ne représente plus qu'une petite part de la production. Sur ces chantiers, les ouvriers – dont la diversité et la mobilité sont difficiles à atteindre travaillent dans des espaces dont les infrastructures modestes se rationalisent pour peu que l'administration des Ponts et Chaussées, nouvelle gestionnaire des terrains, puisse ou veuille répondre aux demandes des constructeurs. / During the 19th century, traditional shipbuilding was an important branch of the Provencal maritime economy. It is mostly the business of private companies and is no longer only an extension of practices from the past. Marked by original characters, it is the fruit of its capacities of evolving whilst adapting itself to the market's demands. The hierarchy of the private construction sites changes throughout the century. If Marseille stays the major outbreak, the traditional productions of La Ciotat and of La Seyne mark time, the ones in Toulon, Arles and Antibes stagnate; in Saint-Tropez they know a true development, with the delivery of large units, whilst in Martigues they dominate the market of small coasting trade ships. This evolution is accompanied by a modification of the constructed models. For large vessels, the Mediterranean types, polacre, pink, bark and brigantine quickly leave place to the Atlantic shapes brig, brig-schooner and three-masted vessel - only the Bomb-vessel, purely Mediterranean, resists until the 1830's, while the iconic tartan too often confused with the boat, represents only a small part of the production. On these construction sites, the workers – whose diversity and mobility are difficult to reach - work in spaces with modest infrastructures which rationalize themselves, for little that the administration of Roads and bridges, new land manager, would be able or willing to meet the demands of manufacturers.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-13T19:47:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Daiane Estevam Azeredo.pdf: 1870321 bytes, checksum: 81821342dd7f0ef3bcf2838180ade709 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T19:47:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Daiane Estevam Azeredo.pdf: 1870321 bytes, checksum: 81821342dd7f0ef3bcf2838180ade709 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-29 / CAPES / This paper aims to analyze the lending relationships in Rio de Janeiro in the first two decades of the nineteenth century, in order to understand how women participated as an economic agent in these types of transactions. Lending relationships were part of many societies over time. Financed sales and loans could be achieved by agents from different social strata. Thus, this study is going to investigate who were the women able to conduct transactions through notarial and what were the gaps and motivations that would have provided their appearance in credit-based negotiations between 1800 and 1820. For this, basically we use the Ordinances Philippines, debt scriptures, sale with financing and settlement of the First Letter of Notes of Rio de Janeiro and post mortem inventories of credit and debit this office. These types of documents can confront standards and lending relationships in Rio de Janeiro in the early nineteenth century period, mainly, as regards gender issues. / Esta disserta??o tem por objetivo analisar as rela??es credit?cias tecidas no Rio de Janeiro nos dois primeiros dec?nios do s?culo XIX, com o intuito de entender em que medida as mulheres participaram enquanto agentes econ?micos nesses tipos de transa??es. ? not?rio que as pr?ticas de cr?dito permearam diversas sociedades ao longo do tempo. Vendas financiadas e empr?stimos puderam ser conseguidos por agentes de diversos estratos sociais. Sendo assim, este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar quem eram as mulheres que puderam realizar transa??es por via cartorial e quais foram as brechas e motiva??es que teriam proporcionado a apari??o delas em negocia??es ? base de cr?dito entre os anos de 1800 e 1820. Para isso, utilizamos basicamente as Ordena??es Filipinas, as escrituras de d?vida, venda com financiamento e de quita??o do Primeiro Of?cio de Notas do Rio de Janeiro e os invent?rios p?s mortem das credoras e devedoras deste cart?rio. Por esses tipos de documentos podemos confrontar normas e pr?ticas credit?cias no Rio de Janeiro no in?cio do per?odo novecentista, principalmente, no que se refere ?s quest?es de g?nero.

Since the euphoria of a hard-won independence and the hopes attached to socialist nation-building, Algeria has experienced liberalisation, increasing inequality and civil war. This thesis sets out to explore memories of post-independence nation-building in the 1970s, interrogating the past-present relationship, by asking how Algerians remember their own recent past, and what these memories reveal about contemporary subjectivities. Based on a year of ethnographic fieldwork in the low-income Algiers neighbourhood of Bab el-Oued, the research focuses specifically on memories of politics, urban space and sociability. While the authoritarianism of the period was rejected for its repression of civil liberties, the overwhelming narrative on the period was nostalgic, with the past routinely couched as more positive than the present. Memories of intense social mobility and rising living standards within the context of state-led development, competent urban management and warm neighbourhood relations governed by traditional morality and solidarity were used to critique the present; particularly the retreat of the state from its responsibilities since the 1980s and the fragmented, consumerist society that has emerged from civil conflict since the 1990s. However, social memory also translated a series of principles that demonstrated the continued relevance of the egalitarian claims made by postcolonial nationalism. Popular notions of social justice mapped future aspirations for the Algerian polity. Nostalgia was not only a matter of the past, but of the lost future of material plenty and equality promised by industrial modernisation that once seemed just over the horizon, but is now divorced from present experience. Such memories translated the passing of the dream of mass utopia, even though the modernist principles of equality, justice and progress continued to underpin both daily interactions and the political aspirations of the present.

This thesis considers the position of the British financial sector in the economic strategy of social democracy during the 1960s and 1970s. In doing so it attempts to shed light on a broader question – what caused the collapse of the postwar social democratic project in Britain during the final quarter of the twentieth century? It contends that the social democratic project faced a variety of challenges to its principles, assumptions, and practices in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher as a result of changes to the financial system. These challenges offered opportunities for the advance of social democracy beyond the norms established following the Second World War, but the capacity to pursue these was constrained in a number of ways. The emergence of institutional investment, and the breakdown of the postwar banking settlement, undermined the social democratic methods for managing and controlling credit and investment, yet also offered the opportunity to advance the State’s capacity to intervene in the economy. However the ability of the left to renew and rebuild the social democratic economic project along more advanced, interventionist lines was limited by new material constraints which made extensive reform of the financial system and the domestic economy extremely difficult. Structural changes to the international financial system following the breakdown of the Bretton Woods settlement, combined with the severe economic crisis of the 1970s, imposed new limits on the freedom of governments to engage in domestic-focused macroeconomic management. As the methods and techniques of social democratic economic strategy became less effective, the ideal of developing an advanced industrial economy through State coordination faded. In its place a new conception of the British economy was promoted which sought to revive its historic liberal and internationalist role in which the City of London was at its heart.

This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.