Spelling suggestions: "subject:"enconomic assistance, american."" "subject:"enconomic assistance, cmerican.""
41 |
Decision-making in development assistance donor agencies the case of U.S. AID and JICA /Shapiro, Ruth Amy. January 1996 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Stanford University, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 240-250).
|
42 |
The political economy of foreign aid the nature of American aid and its impact on the state-business relationship in South Korea, 1945-1972 /Ahn, Yeonmi. January 1992 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Yale University, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 378-391).
|
43 |
Effectiveness of foreign assistance in Central America the case of Hurricane Mitch /Krift, Anna Louise, January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Miami, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 283-297).
|
44 |
Democracy and donors in IndonesiaClear, Annette Marie. January 2002 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 476-497).
|
45 |
Vliv Marshallova plánu na zahraničně ekonomickou orientaci Československa a ohlasy na tento plán v českém tisku díplomová práce /Hřebíčková, Šárka. January 1996 (has links)
Thesis--Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze. Fakulta mezinárodních vztahů, 1995.
|
46 |
Foreign aid, trade and development: analysis of the past, prospects for the futureAvny, Amos Ben 24 October 2005 (has links)
This dissertation addresses U.S. foreign aid as a policy problem and examines new avenues for future aid strategies. Contemporary scholars call for shifting the paradigm of world politics from power to a more economicoriented policy of "Cooperative Capitalism." They call to base US foreign policy on a system of "Global Partnership." In that vein this study argues that future aid policy should be reshaped and carried out as a comprehensive strategy that incorporates trade and aid activities. Such a policy will meet better American domestic and global interests.
The dissertation examines aid and trade policies, the linkages between them, and their effect on LOCs' economic growth. The inquiry, conducted as a multiple case study, analyzes past and contemporary documentation concerning u.s. aid and foreign trade activities from 1945 to 1990. / Ph. D.
|
47 |
Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990Snider, Erin January 2011 (has links)
No description available.
|
48 |
Collective action in peripheral nations: A comparative analysis of five Central American countries.Stein, Rosa Emilia Rodriguez. January 1989 (has links)
This study examines the nature and intensity of collective action in five Central American nations during the period 1950-1980. Using a historical comparative analysis, I found that Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua have had guerrilla movements and Honduras and Costa Rica have not. Instead, Honduras and Costa Rica have developed workers and peasant movements that are important political forces in their respective societies. These differences are explained by comparing and contrasting the five countries in terms of distribution of land and income, their political structure and their political influence of the United States. Unequal distribution of land and income is commonly thought to produce frustration and discontent, and in turn, higher frequencies of collective action. In Central America, land and income inequality have remained, for the most part, constant, while the nature and intensity of collective action varies over time and across country. Consequently, I concluded that inequality alone does not facilitate the origin and development of forms of collective protest. More compelling theoretical arguments can be made for the political structure of each country and the political influence of the United States as preconditions for the nature and intensity of collective action. The strength of worker and peasant organizations, and their ability to protest non-violently during these times, occurred when the United States encouraged democratic government in these nations. These forms of governance provided freedom and protection for organizing and collective protest. But as the United States supported and encouraged repressive governments, non-violent actions were repressed, and in turn, violent forms of protest originated. Then guerrilla movements appeared and developed when the United States reduced or withdrew military assistance to these repressive governments.
|
49 |
An empirical analysis of the impact of economic interests on overseas development assistance in Latin America, 1972-1993Sterken, Robert E. January 1996 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Texas Tech University, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-174).
|
50 |
Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developmentsRammutle, Radithebe 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non-
Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There
are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy:
viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or
oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised
by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of
opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs,
however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were
neglected by the apartheid state.
After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant
process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however,
primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South
Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and
quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on
two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States
Agency for International Development (USAID).
Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously
directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to
targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of
financial resources to sustain their work.
Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies
has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free
market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result,
foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in
the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and
Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs
who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and
oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are
more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has
resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised
NGOs during the apartheid era.
International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National
Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting
on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the
receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based
organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been
facing serious financial crises.
Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and
confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services
delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and
practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent
inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR
macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the
resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to
ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is
essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding
environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the
NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding
institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic
democracy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen
Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende
wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare
beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te
verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat
verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien
as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en
onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste
voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat.
Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende
proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie
verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die
uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het
staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van
NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur
agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State
Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO).
'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat
voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan,
wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë
'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou.
Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale
donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as
doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die
konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs
liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se
makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in
dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle
het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van
'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke
van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike
politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die
apartheidsera, beperk is.
Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale
Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang
op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van
finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde
organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige
finansiële krisisse begin ondervind.
Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin
raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien
ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie
te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid,
armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van
die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot
In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en
hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige
befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die
administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA
onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings
van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese
demokrasie.
|
Page generated in 0.1208 seconds