A research report submitted to the Graduate School of Public and Development Management, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management (in the field of Public and Development Management). / The purpose of this study was to assess the effect of international capital flows on economic growth and employment in Mozambique, a country that is heavily dependent on foreign assistance. The aggregate expenditure sector was employed to develop a model that is consistent with specific features of the Mozambican economy. Annual aggregate time series data from 1980 to 1996 period was primarily used to estimate of single equations which are components of the model, employing modem time series techniques. The sample size is rather small to generate anything other than tentative conclusions. Nevertheless, foreign capital flows appear to have had a far-reaching effect in fuelling economic growth in Mozambique for the period studied. The effects were largely dependent upon the magnitude of international capital flows. However, there was a significant lag between economic growth and employment generation. Due to high level of aggregation applied in the analysis, the impact of foreign resources at a sectoral impact was not captured. In particular a more desegregated analysis is required to discern the effect of intemational capital flaws on economic growth and employment. / Andrew Chakane 2018

Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.

This thesis examines income inequality in Taiwan from three perspectives: economic development, political democracy, and world-system/dependence. Education, population growth, population structure, unemployment, savings, and export growth are treated as variables. Below are the important conclusions. Economic development has an effect on income inequality. The level of development is crucial. In the 1950s and 1960s, the relationship was significant, but in the next two decades economic development did not further decrease income inequality. Sector dualism was not a good predictor. Democratization did not have an obvious relation with income inequality. But the stable political environment and the endeavors of government to keep the society stable were crucial to economic development and improvement in income inequality. Foreign capital and export dependence did not retard economic development and worsen income inequality. But the influence of foreign capital did not contradict the world-system/dependence argument. Expansion of education had a negative relation with income inequality. The most important thing was the expansion of primary school education and junior high school education. The predicted relation between population growth and population structure and income inequality was not totally supported. Export expansion and savings expansion had an important influence on economic development and, like the relation between the economic development and income inequality, the relation between the expansion of exports and savings and income inequality was stronger in the 1960s than in the 1950s. Unemployment had almost the same change pattern as income inequality. This implies that employment had a negative relation with income inequality and, after 1970, the low unemployment helped keep inequality at a low level in the 1970s and 1980s. In the late 1980s and early 1990s income inequality increased slightly as radical changes in economic structure, political environment, and other social factors transformed Taiwan. Other developed countries also show an increase in income inequality associated with similar changes. Thus income inequality in Taiwan is predicted to increase further.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa's state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa's foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few. / South Africa

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This thesis examines the impacts of financial development on economic activities in Vietnam at both the macro and the micro level in three core chapters. The first core chapter examines the role of financial development in growth and sources of growth in Vietnam by using the provincial panel data. It shows that financial development has a positive influence on the efficiency of using savings, on the quantity and quality of investment, on productivity, and hence growth. It also finds that there is an indirect impact of financial development on growth mainly through increasing the quality of foreign direct investment rather than the quantity. The following chapter analyses the determinants of household financial development and its role in economic activities of Vietnamese households by using the Household Data Survey. It suggests that the social relationship, location, fixed assets, household size, education, age and Kinh group are the key determinants of household financial development. Moreover, financial development contributes to household income through improving the level of savings and investment, labour productivity and reducing the problem of asymmetric information. Financial development is positively related to household welfare. The final core chapter looks at the impacts of financial development on firm performance in Vietnam by using the Firm Data Survey. It suggests that around 80.7% of Vietnamese firms lie between 0% and 20% in the efficiency scores derived from the DEA technique for 1,886 firms. Financial development plays a key role in firm performance. Smaller firms benefit more from the higher level of financial development. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1349510 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2008

This thesis examines the impacts of financial development on economic activities in Vietnam at both the macro and the micro level in three core chapters. The first core chapter examines the role of financial development in growth and sources of growth in Vietnam by using the provincial panel data. It shows that financial development has a positive influence on the efficiency of using savings, on the quantity and quality of investment, on productivity, and hence growth. It also finds that there is an indirect impact of financial development on growth mainly through increasing the quality of foreign direct investment rather than the quantity. The following chapter analyses the determinants of household financial development and its role in economic activities of Vietnamese households by using the Household Data Survey. It suggests that the social relationship, location, fixed assets, household size, education, age and Kinh group are the key determinants of household financial development. Moreover, financial development contributes to household income through improving the level of savings and investment, labour productivity and reducing the problem of asymmetric information. Financial development is positively related to household welfare. The final core chapter looks at the impacts of financial development on firm performance in Vietnam by using the Firm Data Survey. It suggests that around 80.7% of Vietnamese firms lie between 0% and 20% in the efficiency scores derived from the DEA technique for 1,886 firms. Financial development plays a key role in firm performance. Smaller firms benefit more from the higher level of financial development. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1349510 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2008

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The great intensification of China’s engagement with Africa in the beginning of the 21st century has brought about an equally vast body of literature concerning the general motives and features of the engagement. The broad nature of such literature begs for more focused and localised analysis that are able to complement and inform the ongoing debate. This thesis aims to better understand how China’s policy towards Mozambique affects the latter’s economic development. With this objective in mind each of the four empirical chapters provides a fresh view over some of the most salient dimensions and recent processes related to China’s involvement with Mozambique. The following is analysed: China’s trade and investment with Mozambique; the Asian power’s economic involvement in Mozambique’ agriculture sector; the participation of the China-Exim Bank in the Mphanda Nkuwa dam negotiation process; and finally the participation of Mozambique in the China-sponsored multilateral organisation of the Macau Forum. The methodology used is primarily reliant on the analysis of secondary material supplemented by a small number of informal interviews. The core secondary material includes government investment agencies statistics, analysis of official documents, policies and analysis of material such as NGO reports, studies and media reports. The analysis corroborates the view that it mostly depends upon Mozambique’s governance actors to make China’s engagement work towards its economic development and that there is not a static set of monolithic neo-colonial tendencies overriding China’s commitments towards the African country.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.

The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa&rsquo / s state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa&rsquo / s foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.