Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Central Florida, 2008. / Adviser: Timothy Kotnour. Includes bibliographical references (p. 228-234).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-182).

M.A. / South Africa has more than 450 rural towns where 10% of the population, comprising about 80% of the country's poorest of the poor, live. To promote development and prevent the residents of these towns and the surrounding rural areas from migrating to the larger towns and cities in search of jobs (thereby putting more strain on the resources available there), it was imperative that these towns and the rural areas be developed. This was the ideal aspired to in the seventies and eighties. After two previous attempts the government stepped in and launched the S.A. Regional Industrial Development Plan (RIDP) in 1982. The plan identified several smaller towns as potential recipients of special government incentives, to attract investments from the cities to these communities. Nkowankowa was one of these towns that was declared as an industrial development point (IDP). The plan had both economic and political objectives. On the economic side the plan was an attempt at fostering economic growth and job creation to the benefit of the local communities, while at the same time alleviating the pressure of urban growth experienced by larger cities. On the political side, it was an attempt to contain the Black population within the Homelands. As in the case of similar programmes implemented in other countries, this programme was less successful in South Africa. Most of the IDP's that showed some early success, soon failed. Nkowankowa was one of them, It started off well but soon stagnated and even declined. Data collected from industrialists and Gazankulu Development Corporation (GDC) were analysed using a frequency and tabulation programme. Most industries were established between 1982 and 1985. From 1986 the rate of industrial establishment declined, This show that industrial development in Nkowankowa was less than originally planned. The high failure rate of industries at Nkowankowa is due to the heavy dependence on incentives, agricultural and wood inputs. Periods of protracted droughts negatively affected processing industries in Nkowankowa. The decrease in the amount of incentives also forced firms to close or relocate to metropolitan areas. It is recommended that the community in Ritavi district should be assisted with necessary skills to enable them to gain control over their own economic future. They should become more involved in the economic development and job creation of this area. More jobs can also be created by expanding agricultural activities and enlisting the help of tertiary institutions in supporting, training and advising this community.

Thesis (MCom.) -- University of the Western Cape, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.(leaves 188-197)

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: 'Our industrial development zones have not performed as we have expected - we need to revisit the incentives that we give in these zones', says the deputy president of South Africa, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka (Business Report, 2005: http://www.ecdc.co.za/media/article.asp?pageid=929). This statement raises 2 important questions. Firstly, how was the deputy president able to conclude that these zones have underperformed and secondly, which incentives must South Africa offer potential investors to turn around the fortunes of their programme? To determine how performance can be measured, two investigations were consulted to come up with a list of ten criteria against which export processing zones can be measured to determine whether they have performed successfully or not. As experts are of the opinion that industrial development zones run along similar lines to export processing zones, these criteria could very easily be applied to measuring the success of the former as well. The list includes: • Location • A politically and socially stable host country • High business confidence • Adequate infrastructure • Incentives on offer and administrative set-up • Employment creation • Backward linkages and technology transfer • Foreign exchange eamings • The availability of a competitive labour force • Market accessibility By assessing the zones in Mauritius and Namibia in terms of these criteria, it becomes clear why Schulze (1999: 182) states that Mauritius has become the shining star on the horizon of successful export processing zones and why Tabby Moyo (1999: 1), deputy news editor at The Namibian, is of the opinion that Namibia has so far achieved dismal results. The South African industrial development zone programme was started in the late 1990's and the zones - which are located at Coega, East London, Richards Bay and the Johannesburg International airport - have been in operation for too short a period to allow accurate conclusions to be made about their performance in terms of the ten criteria listed above. However, since their inception, these zones have attrac1ed less than R3.5-billion in planned investments despite the government spending more than R4-billion on infrastructure (www.eedc.co.zalmedia/article.asp?pageid=929). To make these investment-starved zones more attractive to foreign investors, the South African government and the National Treasury, in particular, will have to offer potential investors a much more comprehensive incentive package. They need to: • Review the tax incentives they offer; • Maintain the country's general business; • Make the country's labour laws more flexible; • Increase the literacy rate of the labour force; • Lower the cost of transport, energy and telecoms; • Articulate a vision, build consensus around It and move to action this vision. South Africa needs a world class industrial development zone programme as Schulze (1999: 170) sums it up nicely when he says that free trade zones can indeed contribute to domestic economic growth which will thereby help to alleviate the country's dramatic unemployment rate in addition to enhancing foreign commerce, generating additional foreign exchange and attracting foreign investment. Improvements that South Africa can greatly benefit from. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'Our industrial development zones have not performed as we have expected - we need to revisit the incentives that we give in these zones', verklaar die adjunkpresident van Suid-Afrika, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka (Business Report, 2005: hltp:/lwww.ecdc.co.za/media/article.asp?pageid=929). Hierdie stelling wek twee belangrike vrae. Eerstens, hoe was dit vir die adjunk-president moontlik om tot die slotsom te kom dat hierdie sones onderpresteer en tweedens, watter tipe aanmoedigingsmaatreels moet Suid Afrika aan potensiele beleggers bied om 'n ommekeer in die voorspoed van die programme te bewerkstellig? Twee ondersoeke is geraadpleeg ten einde vas te stel hoe prestasie gemeet kan word. Hieruit is 'n Iys van tien kriteria bepaal waarteen uitvoerproseseringssones gemeet kan word om vas te stel of hulle suksesvol presteer of nie. Aangesien deskundiges van mening is dat nywerheidsontwikkelingssones op soortgelyke basis as die van uitvoerproseseringssones funksioneer, kan hierdie kriteria ewe maklik toegepas word om die sukses van die eersgenoemde te bepaal. Die Iys sluit die volgende in: • Ligging; • 'n Politieke en sosiaal standvastige gasheerland; • Hoe handelsvertroue; • 'n Bevredigende infrastruktuur; • Die aanbieding van aanmoedigingsmaatreels en 'n administratiewe opset; • Werkskepping; • Terugskakeling en tegnologiese oordrag; • Buitelandse valuta inkomste; • Die beskikbaarheid van 'n kompeterende werksmag; • Toegang tot die mark. Deur die sones in Mauritius en Namibia te evalueer na aanleiding van hierdie kriteria, word dit duidelik waarom Schulze (1999:182) verklaar dat Mauritius die skynende ster op die horison geword het van suksesvolle uitvoerproseseringssones en waarom Tabby Moyo (1999:1), adjunk-redakteur vir The Namibian, van mening is dat Namibia tot dusver uiters swak resultate behaal het. Die Suid Afrikaanse nyweheidsontwikkelingssone program het in die laat 1990's begin en die sones - Coega, Oos Londen, Richardsbaai en die Johannesburgse Internasionale Lughawe - is nog vir te kort 'n periode in werking om 'n akkurate gevolgtrekking te maak van hulle prestasie in terme van die voorafgenoemde tien kriteria. Nogtans, sedert hul begin, het hierdie sones minder as R3.5b in beplande investering gelok ten spyte daarvan dat die regering meer as R4b op infrastruktuur spandeer het (www.eedc.co.za/media/article.asp?pageid=929). Om hierdie beleggingshonger sones meer aanloklik te maak vir buitelandse beleggers, sal veral die Suid Afrikaanse Regering en die Nasionale Tesourie 'n meer omvattende aanmoedigingspakket aan potensiele beleggers moet bied. Hulle sal die volgende moet doen: • Die belastingsaanmoedigings wat hulle tans bied, te hersien; • Die land se algemene sakebedryf te ondersteun; • Arbiedswetgewing meer buigbaar maak; • Die geletterdheid onder die ambagsmag te verhoog; • Vervoer-, energie- en telekommunikasie koste te verlaag; • 'n Visie artikuleer, konsensus daar random bou en hierdie visie tot aksie te transformeer. Suid Afrika benodig 'n wereld-gehalte industriele ontwikkelingssone-program soos wat Schulze (1999:170) goed opsom wanneer hy sê dat vrye handelsones inderdaad kan bydra tot binnelandse ekonomies groei wat kan help om die land se dramatiese werkloosheid syfer te verlaag asook om buitelandse handel te bevorder. Hierdeur kan addisionele buitelandse valuta gegenereer word en buitelandse beleggings gelok word. Suid-Afrika kan baie baat vind by hierdie verbeterings.

D.Com. (Economics) / The South African economy has deteriorated over the past two decades which has resulted In, amongst others, a lower economic growth rate with Increased unemployment. To Increase the general standard Of living, growth and development have become of the utmost Importance. To speed up this process, South Africa needs a new approach to growth and development. The approach suggested In this study, combines the "orthodox approach", which concentrates on maximum growth, with the "basic needs approach", which concentrates on the elimination of poverty. The "combined approach" thus concentrates on (a) the dynamic sectors In the economy which are considered as growth sectors, (b) those sectors which contribute to the elimination of poverty and general soclo-economic requirements and, finally, (c) Implement a structural adjustment programme which will create a suitable climate in which sectors In (a) and (b) can flourish. The manufacturing sector is responsible for approximately 24% of the added value of the South African economy. Given the "combined approach" to development, this sector has the potential to make an even more important contribution to South Africa's economic growth and development. To optlmlse this contribution, one needs to know the potential contribution of each manufacturing sector In relationto certain aspectsof development. There is not much specific specific data available on the manufacturing sectors in South Africa. In order to analyse the various manufacturing sectors, the research partially required the compilation of the data series used In the evaluation process. The data provided by this study has never before been available to this extent in SouthAfrica. The potentia_I contribution of the sectors was evaluated according to specific aspects of development, namely: import replacement; export promotion; inward industrialisation; the effective use of resources; productivity; relative viability; job creation; and, finally, the redistribution of growth between race groups and between regions. The sectors were, according to each aspect of development, graded as leading, average and lagging sectors. Through a compilation of the various modules, the general position of the manufacturing sectors In terms of growth and development can be determined as leading, average or lagging. The grouping does, however, only serve as an indication and does not provide the final answer.

M.A. / A stable environment for future economic growth in South Africa will depend on curbing violence, crime and poverty. Government has started to address the development backlog by initiating programmes such as the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). Urgent problems such as housing shortages, the education crisis, unemployment, violence and poverty are receiving priority. This has had a further effect on the policy of service delivery in the field of Social Work, hence there is a paradigm shift towards development social work as emphasized in the White paper for Social Welfare (Government Gazette, 1997). Communities establish development projects with the aim of creating jobs, etc but are not aware of the process involved (e.g. management) for such a project to be successful. For this reason the researcher is of the opinion that many community development projects fail due to the fact that they are not managed properly. The main goal of the study is to develop guidelines on how to manage development projects in deprived communities. A qualitative exploratory study was used to address the following main question: “How do you manage your project?” A non-probability sampling procedure was used to select two projects that were under study. The data collection methods that were employed were face-to-face and focus group interviews, observation and the analysis of project documents. The method of data analysis utilized was data reduction, data display and conclusion drawing. The following main themes were identified as important entities in the management of community development projects: teamwork, planning, implementation, monitoring and control, leadership and evaluation. All these themes are considered to be very important in ensuring project success. / Prof. J.B.S Nel

The research problem addressed in this study was to analyse and report on the development of the Coega Industrial Development Zone as an infrastructure for renewed entrepreneurial activity and profitable management of existing firms in the Eastern Cape. To achieve this objective, a literature study was undertaken to assess the potential benefits achieved at similar industrial development zones around the world and what could be learnt from these developments which will make the Coega Industrial Development Zone workable. The Empirical results obtained, indicate that most local companies are confident that the Coega industrial Development Zone will be beneficial to the region. In conclusion, various recommendations have been made with regard to the findings ascertained in the Empirical Study.

This treatise revisits the process of the implementation of the Coega Project and discusses political economic issues which emerge therein locating them in the political economic context of post-1994 South Africa. Based on an in-depth study of the “Coega Story”, and three years of observing the Coega Development Corporation engaging in the political economic space to implement the project, key themes which are relevant in understanding the nature of politics in the country are highlighted and discussed with a view to drawing lessons for future implementers of economic development projects and policy makers. Key discussions in the study include a critical analysis of the symbiotic relationship between politics and development (or broadly the economy) – where emphasis is made about the centrality of politics in implementing economic development projects; the developmental state – where key characteristics of a developmental state are highlighted; the transition from apartheid to democracy and its implications on the nature of political relations post-apartheid; industrial development as a growth strategy and the interplay of social forces in the post- 1994 political economic space. The Coega Project is located within the broader context of the ruling party seeking to advance what is called the second and, perhaps the ultimate task of the liberation struggle, socio-economic liberation. Its strategic fit in that task is discussed critically taking into account paths to industrialisation as they have been observed from Newly Industrialising Countries and South Africa’s attempts at industrialisation before and after 1994.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa's state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa's foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few. / South Africa