On t.p.: Master of Arts (International Studies) / Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to examine the chances that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has in changing the unbalanced relations between the powerful countries of the North and the marginalised developing world. In doing so, it investigates how the leaders of Northern countries received the New Africa Initiative which was launched by a group of African heads of states, including Mbeki, at the G-8 summit in Genoa in July 2001. Unlike preceding works, this study takes a systemic perspective. The power relations in international affairs are pointed out with specific consideration of South Africa's status as an emerging middle power in the international system. Special recognition is furthermore given to the question as to whether there is currently a global re-think under way about globalisation, the ideology of neo-liberalism and the interaction with poor countries in the global political economy. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the fact that South Africa as a middle power is subordinate to the powerful countries of the North when it comes to effecting global change, and despite the outcomes of Genoa that do not indicate that an equitable global order is close, there are considerable trends and developments visible which support what Mbeki is trying to achieve. As a consequence, it is contended that his "Global Initiative" has a much better chance of being successful than the plea for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die volgende te ondersoek: die waarskynlikheid dat Suid-Afrika se President, Thabo Mbeki, die ongebalanseerde verhoudinge tussen die magtige lande van die Noorde en die gemarginaliseerde ontwikkelende wêreld kan verander. Gevolglik word gekyk in hoe die leiers van die Noordelike lande die "New Africa Inititiative", wat in Julie 2001 by die G-8 spitsberaad in Genoa deur 'n groep staatshoofde van verskeie Afrikalande (Mbeki ingesluit) bekend gestel is, ontvang het. Anders as in vorige studies, word 'n sistematiese benadering in hierdie studie gevolg. Spesiale aandag word verder geskenk aan die vraag of daar huidiglik 'n globale heroorweging onderweg is. met petrekking tot _globalisering, die ideologie van neo-liberalisme en die hantering van arm lande binne die globale politeke ekonomie. Die studie 'kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar merkbare neigings en ontwikkelinge is wat Mbeki se werk ondersteun. Dit is ten spyte van die feit dat Suid-Afrika, as middelrnag, ondergeskik is aan die Noordelike lande wanneer invloede op globale veranderinge ter sprake is, en nieteenstaande die gevolge van Genoa, wat geensins aandui dat 'n regverdige globale bedeling naby is nie. Gevolglik word geargumenteer dat hierdie "Globale Inisiatief' 'n beter kans het om suksesvol te wees as die pleidooi vir 'n "Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde" tydens die 1970s.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China and Africa's increased interaction over the past decade has received attention from the media, academics, economists and politicians alike. The rise of China as a potential world economic power has sparked both concern and suspicion. Concern over China's impact in African states has been voiced by Western and African leaders. The Chinese economy has experienced robust growth since embarking on ambitious reforms to open up its economy to outside investment and trade, as well as policies geared towards encouraging Chinese enterprises to go abroad. China's rise in importance in the international arena has led to increased scrutiny of its foreign policies and internal policies. In order to gain a balanced view of China's engagement in African states it is necessary to examine the various components of their involvement. This thesis has chosen to focus on CADFund as its main unit of analysis, and has illustrated that the Fund fulfils both a political and economic role in China's relations with Africa. This study will explore the political and economic motivations behind China's interest in Africa. Conclusions are drawn from the structural organisation, investment approaches and projects of CADFund. The way in which CADFund fits into China‟s Africa policy will be determined by looking at the Fund's activities and how they fit into the principles set out in China's Africa Policy. The main question posed by this study was regarding the role which CADFund plays in China’s Africa Policy. The mandate of the Fund is to provide funding and advisory and support services to Chinese enterprises wishing to invest in African states. With 60 completed projects to date, the Fund has arguably indeed helped to progress the Chinese government's goal of encouraging Chinese enterprises to invest in Africa. Recommendations for future research are encouraged in order to build on this specific field. For example, more extensive research could be pursued concerning CADFund linkages with the Chinese government. Together with this, questions regarding the perceived effectiveness of CADFund could also be addressed – specifically by investigating how projects are managed and monitored by CADFund. In these follow-up explorations, theoretical frameworks such as the “principle-agent theory” could also be incorporated as frameworks with which to view CADFund‟s relationship with the Chinese government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China en Afrika se verhoogde interaksie oor die afgelope dekade het baie aandag van die media, akademici, ekonome en politici ontvang. Die opkoms van China as 'n potensiële wêreld ekonomiese mag, het gelei tot beide agterdog en kommer. Kommer oor China se invloed binne Afrika state is geopper deur Westerse sowel as Afrika leiers. Die Chinese ekonomie het ongekende groei beleef sedert hul vertek op ambisieuse hervormings, om hul ekonomie meer vry en oop te maak vir buitelandse belegging en handel, sowel as beleid hervormings wat daarop gemik is om Chinese ondernemings oorsee te bevorder. China se opkoms as 'n belangrike moondheid op internasionale gebied, het gelei to nadere ondersoek van sy buitelandse beleide. Om 'n gebalanseerde beeld van China se betrokkenheid in Afrikastate te kry, is dit noodsaaklik om verskeie komponente van hul betrokkenheid te ondersoek. Hierdie tesis kies om te fokus op China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds (CADFund) as die vernaamste eenheid van analise en beskryf beide die fonds se politieke sowel as 'n ekonomiese rol in China se betrekkinge met Afrika. Hierdie studie sal die politieke en ekonomiese beweegredes agter China se belange in Afrika verken. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak van strukturele organisasie, belegging benaderings en projekte van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. Die manier waarop China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds by China se Afrika-beleid inpas, sal vasgestel word deur te kyk na die fonds se aktiviteite en hoe hulle by die neergelegde beginsels van China se Afrika-beleid inpas. Die belangrikste vraag wat hierdie studie stel, is met betrekking tot die rol wat China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds in China se Afrika-beleid speel. Die mandaat van die fonds is om finasiering, raadgewende en ondersteunende dienste aan Chinese ondernemings te bied wat in Afrika-state wil belê. Met 60 voltooide projekte tot op datum, het die fonds inderdaad gehelp om by te dra tot die Chinese regering se doelwit om Chinese ondernemings aan te moedig om in Afrka te belê. Aanbevelinge vir toekomstige navorsing word aangemoedig om voort te bou op hierdie spesifieke gebied. Byvoorbeeld, meer uitgebreide navorsing oor China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se bande met die Chinese Regering. Samehangend hiermee,vrae in verband met die vermeende doeltreffendheid van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds kan ook ondersoek word - spesifiek deur te ondersoek hoe projekte bestuur en gekontroleer word deur China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. In hierdie opvolg ondersoeke, kan teoretiese raamwerke soos die ”principle-agent theory” ook ingesluit word as raamwerke waarna China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se verhoudinge met die Chinese Regering gekyk kan word.

<p>The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.</p>

M.Comm. / The purpose of this study is to identify and investigate potential obstacles for local and international investors in the Maputo Development Corridor (MDC). This study focuses exclusively on the Maputo-Mpumalanga Corridor axis which could be considered as an important nucleus of the eastern region of Southern Africa. The possibility of cooperation concerning the Corridor offers both South Africa and Mozambique - who have until recently both experienced less than optimal international trade relations – the opportunity for enhanced competitiveness. The study therefor attempts to measure the perceptions of potential investors to identify obstacles regarding the process of regional economic integration involving the Map uto-Mp umalanga Corridor in attracting investments. After thorough evaluation of the potential investment sectors among the various role players it became clear that tourism is the sector with the largest potential for investment. Next are the transport and agricultural sectors which show great potential and then, to a lesser extent manufacturing projects. By putting emphasis on these sectors as investment opportunities in particular, will result in more concentrated and graduated progress. With reference to the fact that investment is taking place slowly or does not take place at all, it is obvious that the,re are certain obstacles in the way of investment. The response that has been obtained shows clearly that the different role players do not regard the same factors as obstacles. This mere fact is probably already the biggest obstacle of them all. The fact that international investors regard safety and security as well as bureaucracy in the public sector as the two biggest obstacles, is a serious cause for concern. It shows that overseas investors are not as yet convinced of South Africa's democracy and its new government. Taking all the role players' opinions into consideration, it can be said that the general obstacles in investment in the Corridor can mainly be identified as follows: Safety and security. Bureaucracy in the public sector. Labour problems (productivity and demands by trade unions). Quality of products from Mozambique. Unless both governments address the above-mentioned obstacles immediately, potential investors would continue to regard the Maputo Corridor as unfavourable to a certain extent. This study therefor provides a clear explanation of the most important sectors for investment. It also identifies the most important obstacles to investment in the Maputo-Mpumalanga Development Corridor. It should be seen as an introduction to further research, for a more in-depth investigation of each sector will provide more specific problems and opportunities.

This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.

The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.

This study hypothesizes that the major barriers to expanded trade between the U.S. and Eastern Europe are systemic in nature. Using this approach, each political/ economic system is examined in an attempt to define the obstacles to foreign trade expansion, to describe the most important systemic and political factors at work, and to demonstrate how they have determined and will continue to shape the economic relationships between the U.S. and the countries of Eastern Europe. A final synthesis presents the two systems in a unified picture of the economic environment and concludes that significant trade expansion is unlikely in the near future due to basic systemic incompatibilities which impede the resolution of key foreign trade problems.

'BRIC' is an acronym created by Jim O’Neil to describe some of the world’s leading emergingeconomies, namely Brazil, Russia, India, and China. During 2010, the members of the group included South Africa and 'BRIC' was renamed 'BRICS'. The primary objective of this study was to investigate whether South Africa should be included in BRICS, taking into account that the country represents the whole of Africa. Data was collected by means of self- administered questionnaires and face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The results suggest that South Africa should be included in BRICS as it is depicted as the regional leader and gateway to the continent. This is demonstrated by its global economic prominence especially through multilateral organisations such as SADC, AU, and it is the only African country in the G20. It is recommended that South Africa should work together with other African countries and encourage their inclusion in achieving common economic goals. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities. / Department of Government and Public Administration

by Lau Chi Wai, Michael, Or Chun Choy, Angus. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 68-69). / ABSTRACT --- p.ii / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.iii / LIST OF TABLES --- p.v / LIST OF FIGURES --- p.vi / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.vii / CHAPTER / Chapter I --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Background of The Move of The Production Base to Southern China --- p.1 / Main Reason for Moving The Production Base to China --- p.3 / Summary --- p.4 / Chapter II --- METHODOLOGY --- p.6 / Research Objectives --- p.6 / Scope of Study --- p.6 / Sources of Information --- p.7 / Approach --- p.8 / Limitation of Study --- p.8 / Chapter III --- STRUCTURE OF INVESTMENT --- p.10 / Forms of Investment Available to Hong Kong Manufacturers --- p.10 / Forms of Investment Adopted by Hong Kong Manufacturers --- p.14 / Problems Encountered by Hong Kong manufacturers --- p.15 / Summary --- p.22 / Chapter IV --- MANAGEMENT --- p.23 / Chinese Culture and Western Management --- p.23 / Main Management Problems --- p.24 / Summary --- p.42 / Chapter V --- SURVEY OF MANAGEMENT STYLE --- p.44 / Background --- p.44 / Objectives --- p.44 / Research Method --- p.45 / Research Result --- p.49 / Overall Discussion --- p.65 / APPENDIX --- p.67 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.68