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This dissertation examines postwar anti-poverty programs in order to understand the Latin American roots of US social policy, the origins of neoliberalism, and the rise of economists as public intellectuals. By following veterans of the New Deal and Marshall Plan through Colombian reform projects of the 1950s and 1960s and back to the United States in the era of the Great Society, it suggests that one way of studying the route from the 1930s to the 1960s in the United States is by traveling through Latin America. Conversely, one way of understanding the history of economic development is by analyzing its relation to First-World programs for economic recovery and redistribution. The dissertation further illuminates the role of midcentury policymaking in popularizing what became neoliberal practices after 1980, most importantly those of state decentralization, gentrification, and public-private partnership. Finally, midcentury social programs provide a context in which to study the emergence of economics as an independent discipline in Latin America, economists' strategies of social ascent, and the popularization of economic reasoning as a persuasive form of public argument. The project is a social history of economic thought, in which reform projects and the conflicts surrounding them provide the context for studying ideas. It is simultaneously a transnational history of social policy, exposing lines of mutual influence between the United States and Latin America.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2007. / Thesis directed by Teresa Ghilarducci for the Department of Economics. "November 2007." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-145).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Open University. BLDSC no. DX96544.

Thesis--Faculté des lettres, Paris.

With this descriptive research study the investigator proposed to determine what, if any, relationship existed between the assertiveness and job satisfaction in a sample of female Indiana Home Economists in Business and the significance of any relationship found. Data were collected by means of a two-part questionnaire (one section measured job satisfaction and the other measured assertiveness) sent to the population by mail and self-administered. Responses to the testing instrument were returned in a self-addressed, stamped envelope provided by the researcher.Collected data were submitted to t-tests for independent means and the Pearson product moment correlation was calculated. Significance of that correlation was determined by using the critical-ratio z-test. A bivariate frequency distribution and a scatter diagram were constructed to further illustrate the relationship between the variables assertiveness and job satisfaction. Data were analyzed for significance at the five percent level.Treated data did not support null hypothesis one or two of the study. Female IHEIBs were not generally nonassertive and this finding was interpreted as one of assertiveness. Female IHEIBs were not found to be generally dissatisfied with their jobs. However, this finding could not be interpreted to mean that the opposite was true (that female IHEIBs were satisfied with their jobs) because neutral feelings were not separated from those of satisfaction.Furthermore, the crucial relationship hypothesis in its null form was not rejected because the level of significance for the correlation between the two variables did not meet the criteria established for the study. That is, any relationship between the assertiveness of female IHEIBs and their job satisfaction as revealed by this study was no greater than might have occurred by chance.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / In Chapter I, the object of the study is outlined, followed by a discussion of Pre-Pigovian welfare economics. The purpose of our study consists in a critical analysis of Professor Pigou1s welfare concept and propositions in the light of ideas held by his predecessors and successors. Pre-Pigovian welfare economics is dealt with under three different groups among which a logical classification is possible, These groups are English classical economists (A. Smith, B. Say, D. Ricardo, and others), continental classical economists (V. Pareto, L. Walras, E. Barone) and neo-claseical economists (H. Sidgwick, A. Marshall, and others), It is shown that the English classical economists regarded free competition as a means to the widening of the economy rather than to a rational allocation of resources, The continental economists, Pareto and Barone formulated the concept of subjective optimum and dealt with the problem of allocation in the static sense. The neo-classical economists made a compromise. While accepting the doctrine of marginal utility, they were not preoccupied with the static problem of allocation. In the manner of the English classicists, they discussed the forces which govern the supply of ultimate factors of production and human wants. A typical feature of neo-classical economics is Marshall's partial surplus analysis.

This dissertation centres upon the learning processes and social norms associated with two distinct strands of economic thinking – one loosely heterodox and the other mainstream, or “neo-classical.” My intention is to examine the learning processes and consequent beliefs of a range of Canadian economists, especially macroeconomists. To achieve this goal, I have undertaken a number of comparative case studies within the Canadian context. These have generated data from a survey of 100 academic economists as well as a series of in-depth interviews with 58 Canadian economists across the political and methodological spectra. My results have drawn from the contributions of a total of 158 respondents. This thesis aims to examine economics education in the Canadian context, charting the rise of neoclassical economics from the 1970s onwards while examining the educational processes, choice of language, social norms, and views of human nature to be found among a variety of Canadian economists with differing political orientations. This may help to identify the role economics education has played in shaping the economic landscape in Canada, and how Canadian economists’ learning processes have emphasised or minimised certain assumptions about public policy and human nature that differ from what is taught – implicitly or explicitly – elsewhere. In a field that is, among the social sciences, by far the most resistant to knowledge from other disciplines, Canadian academic economists are by all appearances global outliers. My research suggests that they are significantly more open to knowledge from other disciplines than groups of economists elsewhere; relative to American academic economists, they are almost twice as likely to believe that interdisciplinary knowledge is better than knowledge generated from a single field, and the older cohorts surpass even U.S. sociologists in this regard. My research also suggests that social norms may have a more profound effect on economists’ beliefs than their formal education in economics, and that historical and institutional factors – especially during economists’ formative years – may have a life-long impact on Canadian economists’ political beliefs. There also appear to be educational, geographical, and cohort-related effects on economists’ beliefs that, together with the effects of Canadian social norms, combine to form an image of a discipline that is less polarised, more pro-interdisciplinarity, and substantially more accepting of a role for government in economic policy than that of their economist brethren in the U.S.

This dissertation consists of three essays exploring market reactions to business failure. In the first essay, the filing strategies are divided into three basic types, voluntary, involuntary and prepackaged. The second essay provides insight into industry wide factors impacting assimilation of information by the market. The third essay provides a view of the GARCH-M model in measuring a risk premium as a firm approaches bankruptcy.