This study looked at three groups of providers of Adult/Continuing Education (business, government agencies and educational institutions) to see what perceptions they had of the roles each group had assumed in making educational opportunities available to adults. The study also provided a historical perspective of the evolution of each group and their current roles as educators.The study population represented both purveyors and purchasers of education for adults and included officers of major corporations, government training officers, and chief administrative officers of major universities.The investigator used an 181 item questionnaire containing statements about perceptions these three groups of providers of education had about adult education, its administration, and their respective roles in providing that education. The questionnaire was analyzed on a percentage comparison basis. A median was also provided for each question by group.

The purpose of this study was to determine if socioeconomic differences among a population of mildly mentally handicapped school children exist on the Coloured Progressive Matrices. This information was sought in order to assist school psychologists in achieving the nondiscriminatory evaluations of handicapped children required by federal law.The theoretical base upon which this study rests is Catell's concept of intelligence. It was Catell's contention that the general ability factor measured by intelligence tests actually consisted of two factors, crystallized and fluid intelligence. Crystallized ability reflects previous education and experience while fluid ability is exhibited in adaptation to new situations where crystallized skills are of no particular advantage. The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for ChildrenRevised was assumed to measure crystallized ability and the Coloured Progressive Matrices was assumed to measure fluid ability. Given that the Wechsler scales are among the primary instruments used to assess children for placement into programs for the mildly mentally handicapped, it was conjectured that assignment to this group has been based on crystallized, and hence culturally biased, abilities. It was hypothesized that among an identified population of mildly mentally handicapped school children, those children from low socioeconomic backgrounds would demonstrate significantly greater fluid intelligence as measured by the Coloured Progressive Matrices than children from high socioeconomic backgrounds.There were a total of 25 subjects in the study. These students had been previously identified as mildly mentally handicapped and placed in programs for students so diagnosed. The subjects were Caucasian male and female students who ranged in age from 8 years, 0 months to 12 years, 11 months of age. Each subject was designated as belonging to either high or low socioeconomic groups depending upon the occupation of the head of the household in which they lived. The data for this study was gathered by school psychometrists during the administration of the triennial retest cycle.To determine whether differences in mean scores between socioeconomic groups were significant, statistical analysis was applied. Statistically, the hypotheses were treated as null hypotheses with the .05 level of significance necessary for rejection. The hypotheses were tested through a t-test to determine statistical significance.The low socioeconimic group obtained a mean raw score of 19.85 on the Coloured Progressive Matrices while the high socioeconomic group's mean raw score on this measure was 18.17, The difference in mean raw scores between high and low socioeconomic groups on the Coloured Progressive Matrices was not significant at the .05 level of confidence.

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Given the present demand for greater accountability in public education and the call to close the achievement gap between the haves and have-nots, scholars have renewed advocacy for policy frameworks that combine education and antipoverty policies. This study historicizes the possibilities for such connections at the federal level by focusing on how people during the Carter Administration explained the relationship between the policies. Toward this end, this study examined how the coconstructions of context and meaning of the late 1970s made certain explanations of the relationship between education and anti-poverty policy more possible than others. This study is a critical policy analysis employing historical methods. A historical narrative was constructed through the collection of oral history and archival data. Through this history, explanations of the relationships between the policies by the Carter Administration are situated within the social regularities of the day. Specifically, in the late 1970s, as people became dismayed by the persistence of equality issues, despite equal protection under the law, they looked for other ways to work toward equality. The elevation of education as a national priority became a visible strategy to the power structure at the time because it did not require a necessary redistribution of privilege and would allow a concomitant strategy to invest in other identities. At the same time, as people searched for greater personal freedom through education. A growing neo-liberal sentiment asserted that education policies had to be disconnected from the antipoverty policies that were supported by groups, whose demands for conformity were seen as standing in the way of social well-being predicated on the pursuit of self-interest. Thus, in the late 1970s education and antipoverty policy were separated at the federal level, not only bureaucratically, but also in the rhetoric of national priorities. As a result, education policy became more greatly aligned with human capital development and further detached from more redistributive policy frameworks. The rearticulation in the social regularities regarding race, property, individualism, and domestic stability remade the possible in domestic social policy. / text

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