The analysis of the effectiveness of the implementation of new forms of training from the point of view of students, graduates and employers. The mechanism of an independent public assessment of the qualification of a graduate of a vocational school, the organization of the corporate championship of professional skill in Worldskills standards is proposed. / Проводится анализ эффективности реализации новых форм подготовки с точки зрения студентов, выпускников и работодателей. Предложен механизм независимой публичной оценки квалификации выпускника профессиональной школы, организация корпоративного чемпионата профессионального мастерства по стандартам Worldskills

Students across the country experience negative effects due to losses in classroom instruction time caused by exclusionary discipline. In Mississippi, 11.8% of students received 1 or more in-school suspensions and 9.7% of students received 1 or more out-of-school suspensions during the 2013-14 school year. This study sought to determine effective classroom management strategies for addressing discipline infractions, identify professional development needs of teachers and administrators focused on effective classroom management strategies, describe the role of the principal in promoting professional management strategies and reducing discipline infractions, and determine recommendations for related school policies. Mississippi public school districts serving students in pre-kindergarten through 12th grades. All school districts were located in rural areas across the state. Participants in the study included 3 administrators and 5 teachers. All participants had 6 or more years of experience. The research design selected for the study was a qualitative approach. Phenomenological research was conducted to analyze participants’ experiences relating to classroom management, discipline, administration, and policy. Participants were interviewed about their experiences and opinions regarding classroom management strategies, professional development, the role of the principal, and policy recommendations all relating to reducing discipline infractions and increasing student achievement. The data were analyzed to determine emergent themes among the participants in response to the research questions and to provide recommendations for professional development and policy changes. Common themes were identified through the participants’ interviews. The findings showed that participants believed positive reinforcement, academic supports, behavior supports, relationships, planning, and teaching expectations and consequences were the most effective classroom management strategies. Participants identified behavior supports, seating, grouping, PBIS, classroom management plans, teaching children from poverty, classroom relationships, teaching expectations, student engagement, planning, and providing feedback as professional development needs. Participants described the role of the administrator as supporting teachers, maintaining consistency and fairness, establishing relationships with teachers and students, and maintaining a presence in classrooms. Policy recommendations included increased consistency, stronger parental involvement policies, adjustments to non-violent offenses, classroom management professional development for new teachers, including teachers in administrative processes, policies based upon grade levels, and more detailed PBIS policies.

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This study examines how legislated policy, the New Jersey Amistad Bill, and the subsequently created Amistad Commission, shifted the mandated educational landscape in regard to the teaching of social studies in the state of New Jersey—by legislative edict and enforcement, within every class in the state. Through a century of debates, reforms, and legislations, there has been a demand to include the contributions, achievements, and perspectives of people of the African Diaspora that deconstruct the European narrative of history. It is my belief that the formation of an educational public policy that is reflective of the Afrocentric paradigm in its interpretation and operation, such as the Amistad law, with subsequent policy manifestations that result in curriculum development and legalized institutionalization in classrooms across the country is central to creating the curriculum that will neutralize mis-education and will help American students to obtain an understanding of African American agency and the development of our collective history. The Amistad Commission, created by legal mandate in the state of New Jersey in 2002, is groundbreaking because it is a legal decree in educational policymaking that codifies the full infusion and inclusion of African American historical content into New Jersey’s K-12 Social Studies curriculum and statewide Social Studies standards. This infusion, directed by the executive leadership team, is a statewide overhaul and redirection for Social Studies and the Humanities in all grades in every district throughout the state. The Commission’s choice of the Afrocentric theoretical construct—a cultural-intellectual framework that centers the African historical, social, economic, spiritual and political experience as pertains to any intellectual experience involving Africans and people of African descent—as its organizing ethos and central ideology was central in framing the resulting curriculum products and programmatic directives. This study’s conclusive premise in utilization of the Afrocentricity construct is evidenced in the Amistad curriculum’s Afrocentric tenets: de-marginalization of African historical contribution and agency; the importance of voice and first person narrative when transcribing history, and how shifting of —as in, correcting—the entire Eurocentric structure is important. Rather than an additive prescription of historical tokenisms, or a contributive prescription that does not allow for a centralized locality from within the culture, Afrocentricity allows for a cultural ideology when applicable to the Amistad law. Thus the use of Afrocentricity in the implementation of the Amistad law transforms the entire narrative of American history in the state of New Jersey, one of the original thirteen colonies. The study seeks to remedy the void of research as to how the incorporation of the particular theoretical framework of Afrocentricity impacted the decision guiding the policy directives, programmatic and the curriculum outcomes within the implementation of the New Jersey Amistad Commission mandate. The case study asserts that the Afrocentric theory was put into praxis when operationalizing the New Jersey Amistad law and the work of the Amistad Commission. It chronicles the history of similar mandates focused on the incorporation of African American history in American classrooms that led to the Amistad law. It also enumerates the Amistad law’s subsequent operationalization and curriculum development efforts elucidating practical application of the Afrocentric theory. It has direct implications for teacher education, practicing teachers, and policymakers interested in understanding how Afrocentricity and its tenets are paramount in curriculum development efforts, especially as it pertains to New Jersey, New York, and Illinois. These three states have passed legislations that have attempted to proactively remedy their educational policies. The disparities in knowledge and education about African diaspora people in our Social Studies classrooms are targeted by these states. / African American Studies

To ensure an educational opportunity for every child that passes through America's schoolhouse doors, it is imperative that non-heterosexual students' educational needs are not ignored in the educational milieu (Zirkel, 2006). In the last decade or so, the desire of non-heterosexual students to organize Gay-Straight Alliance (GSA) clubs on high school campuses have been met with angst by school leaders (Duncan & Rogers, 2008). Despite the passage of the Equal Access Act (EAA) in 1984, school leaders have often denied non-heterosexual students the right to establish GSA clubs on campus, consequently resulting in these students utilizing the judicial system as the venue to assert their rights under the law (Essex, 2005). As it is imperative that educational leaders understand the legal rights of all students under their care, and make informed decisions in order to avoid costly litigation, this research focused on analyzing the Equal Access Act of 1984, federal case law, legal commentary, and historical documents, in order to track the developments of non-heterosexual students' ability to utilize the EAA to establish GSA clubs in the public schools in the United States. The study employed a traditional legal research methodology as described by Alder (1993) and Russo (1993), relying on electronic data bases and traditional legal finding tools to carry out the research. From the resulting legislation, case law, scholarly commentary, and other relevant documents reviewed and analyzed, an accurate historical perspective on the EAA as it relates to the formation of GSA clubs was constructed. In addition, the significant themes that arose from the findings were synthesized in order to offer guidance to educational leaders and policymakers when facing requests from students to establish GSA clubs on school property. Recommendations for school leaders when considering such requests from students to form GSA clubs under the EAA are provided. / Ed. D.

Thesis advisor: C. Patrick Proctor / Dominant conceptualizations for family-school relations across U.S. educational research, policy, and practice continue to privilege the behaviors, experiences, and practices of white, upper- and middle-class families, while failing to address the race and class power-relations that permeate educational institutions and their neighborhoods. In the field of bilingual education, there is an emergent body of research that examines issues of language, race, and class within the experiences of families in two-way dual language bilingual education, where children from multiple racial, cultural, and economic groups are educated together with the goals of bilingualism and biliteracy. However, this scholarship has not related the experiences and relations in bilingual programs to the broader issue regarding the dominant and deficit discourse of family-school relations in the U.S. In response, this dissertation situates families’ experiences in a two-way dual language bilingual program within the broader ideological, political, and historical dimensions of U.S. family-school relations. A theoretical orientation informed by Critical Race Theory, Critical Poststructuralist Sociolinguistics, and Feminist Poststructuralist frameworks was used to highlight how racialized positionalities of families in schools reverberate beyond individuals’ identity construction, connecting to discourses about families at other societal scales. This study utilized participant observations, semi-structured interviews, and artifact generation. Data was analyzed using discursive and textual analytical approaches. Findings include (a) an investigation of how the legal and institutional contexts related to family-bilingual school relations contribute to the racialization of people and their languaging; (b) an analysis of how raciolinguistic ideologies are deployed to naturalize the designation of linguistic and ethnoracial labels upon families; and (c) a generation of portraits highlighting how families ruptured deficit positionings by reporting on systems of oppression, their dynamic language practices, and their expansive relations across groups of people, places, and temporal scales. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that despite individual efforts of stakeholders in bilingual programs to foster the wellbeing and development of families, the racist and classist foundations of schooling will ensure the reification of oppressive educational experiences for multiply minoritized families. At the same time, these families will continue to find ways to survive, resist their subjugation, and reimagine more liberatory worlds. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction.

This study addresses how political and professional claims directed at teachers change, and in many ways challenge teachers’ professional autonomy, as well as affect preconditions for meaning-making in pedagogic practices. Focus is placed on political steering and its implications for teacher education and teachers’ work in schools. Professional tensions between claims for system-oriented success de-fined as goal achievement versus a communicative understanding are analysed within a conceptual framework of steering and meaning. Based on official educational policy documents as well as teachers’ development projects the analysis revolves around issues concerning core competencies in teacher education and professionalisation processes. The empirical material comprises the Swedish 2001-teacher education reform and the Swedish National Higher Education Agency’s criticism of that part of teacher education which is obligatory for all teacher students (AUO). Moreover, grounds for educational policy that lead to the introduction of individual development plans (IUP) in school are analysed. Additionally, comments on circulated proposals submitted by universities and teacher organisations in connection with Bologna and the IUP-reforms are subject to analysis. In terms of methodology, the study primarily draws upon theories of communicative action, critical discourse analysis and theories of the professions. The results indicate that emphasis in educational policy is placed on the clarification of goals, progression and assessment practices in schools and teacher edu-cation. Thus teachers and teacher educators need to address functional steering claims which demand commitment and loyalty for political reforms. This entails that teachers’ professional autonomy is restricted. Teachers are encouraged to take difficult decisions and act strategically in order to maximise the pedagogic outcome based on economic and political claims for excellence, collaboration, and a clear-cut steering direction. Professionalism now appears to connote quality control by way of more specified formulations and assessments towards learning outcomes. Political rhetoric stipulates as essential that teachers determine knowledge progression and boundaries between the various exam and knowledge levels. Teachers are also to expound internal documentation in order to fulfil system-related claims. The study illustrates how conditions and preconditions emanate from shared profes-sional considerations, competencies and convictions, and that teachers need to be able to discuss these. However, this is challenged by a continuously increasing management by documents. In light of recentralised steering, claims are directed at teachers who are now to create transparency, quantifiable criteria for assessment and employability. Based on the teachers’ development projects, the results indicate that teachers are critical of how the education system is subjected to increasing pressure due to a stream of reforms and evaluations. Politicisation and economisation of education underscore a need for pragmatic and strategic actions within the profession. In contrast to experiences of political lack of vision, impellent user orientation and marketisation, universities and teachers claim that critical communicative-oriented pedagogy boost professional autonomy. Moreover, the study indicates that teachers’ positions and professional identities vary depending on the perceived validity of the political claims. Claims for objectivity, simplification, clarity and functional criteria for assessment are countered by claims for in-depth meaning-making and consideration of the complexity and knowledge instability that is constitutive of pedagogic practices. Ultimately, this study illustrates a professional shift within the teacher body towards notions of objectivity and individualisation, thereby threatening teachers’ critical discussions of their organisation and work.

The School-to-Work Opportunities Act of 1994 provided seed monies to educational institutions, if they were willing to form collaborative partnerships with members of the business and employer communities. The goal was to build learning opportunities for students that would facilitate their seamless transition from the public school system into adult work-settings and/or places of post-secondary education, training, and skills acquisition. An historical case study of school reform was conducted, using qualitative research methods that included extensive field observations, participant interviews, document analysis, narrative inquiry strategies, phenomenological reflection and data reduction. The lived experiences of 23 students and 14 community partners were juxtaposed against the recollected memories of the teacher-researcher, and analyzed in the context of complex change theory (Ambrose, 1987). The point was to distill the essential themes that could shed light on the research question. Those factors that were deemed to be influential in the development, delivery, or efficacy of the learning opportunities that were created as curriculum interventions, in support of this one piece of federal legislation, are discussed analytically, so as to make recommendations for similar practical programs with a career-education or work-based learning focus.

Literature within the field of Comparative Education often cautions against the transfer of foreign policies from one context to another. Despite this warning, Ontario’s public education system is said to have been based on an eclectic mix of foreign examples: teacher training institutes replicating Prussian Seminaries, school financing and the role of the chief superintendent and board of education as in the states of Massachusetts and New York, and using the Irish curriculum. This study conceptualises the manner in which these foreign elements became part of the 1846 school law and the reaction of stakeholders in and outside of government. The period covered by this study, 1844 – 1876, corresponds to Egerton Ryerson’s time as Chief Superintendent of education in Ontario. Extensive archival research of incoming and outgoing correspondence from the department of education, district council meeting minutes, newspapers, and local superintendent, inspector and trustee reports revealed contrasting opinions. On the one hand, sources indicated favourable results: increased pupil attendance, number of facilities and money raised to fund schools. There is also evidence that many foreign educationalists not only requested resources from Ontario’s board but aspired to emulate features of the province’s reformed education system in their own nations. This study’s finding of a ‘reverse cross-national attraction’ is a new contribution to Canadian historical studies. However, many resented features of the school bill. Critics called the superintendent and board’s method of organisation ‘Prussian despotism’ in Canadian schools; others argued the injustice of property tax to fund free schools and the cost burden of importing Irish textbooks. An original conceptual framework has been produced to review the manner in which Ryerson defended the new bill and the internalisation of these foreign policies and practices. This framework may serve as an analytical device for those engaged in researching educational policy borrowing.

Thèse sur travaux, l’ensemble est constitué d’un tome de « fil rouge » de 119 pages et de quatre tomes de travaux, reproduisant successivement (A) des livres, livres collectifs, articles et contributions à un ouvrage collectif, (B) des rapports d’inspection générale dont l’auteur a été le pilote ou le copilote, (C) des articles de revues, (D) des conférences et communications et (E) des interviews publiées. La première partie s’explique sur les circonstances qui ont présidé au cours de la carrière d’un haut-fonctionnaire de l’administration de l’éducation nationale à la production régulière de travaux et sur la constitution progressive d’un corpus tirant sa première cohérence de ses objets. Elle répond aussi à la question des motivations, superficielles ou profondes de la demande de légitimation universitaire de ces travaux dans le cadre d’une thèse de doctorat, de même qu’elle s’interroge sur ce qui peut étayer cette légitimation, en termes de construction d’objet, de raisonnements et de résultats.La deuxième partie reprend des travaux antérieurs ce qui traite de la façon dont le système éducatif français est gouverné, à partir des deux sous-titres « Un ministère de l’ignorance ? » et « Le désordre des pouvoirs éducatifs » : il est montré en quoi la sacralisation de la notion de système éducatif, le discours factice sur l’évaluation, la fermeture hexagonale de l’essentiel du débat sur l’éducation, ainsi que le peu d’intérêt institutionnel vis-à-vis des connaissances sur l’école concourent à renforcer un Etat éducateur central aussi monopoliste qu’impuissant.La troisième partie est plus spécifiquement consacrée à un aspect souvent négligé du système éducatif, à savoir les politiques curriculaires : l’auteur montre non seulement que le concept même de curriculum n’est pas utilisé, mais aussi que le désordre qui caractérise depuis longtemps la « fabrique des contenus » d’enseignement en France fait paradoxalement système avec une indifférence aux apprentissages des élèves qui n’est qu’un aspect du caractère sélectif des traditions éducatives françaises. Il analyse enfin dans quelle mesure le « socle commun de compétences en fin de scolarité obligatoire » inaugure une première « politique curriculaire » dans le cadre de ce pays. / This thesis, consisting mainly in submitting a corpus of previous works, is made of one “guiding light” volume (119 pages) and four volumes that reproduce (A) books, collective books, articles and contributions to collective works, (B) official reports of “inspection générale” of which the author was main or associated pilot, (C) articles from reviews, (D) lectures and communications, and (E) published interviews.The first part explains from which circumstances a senior civil servant of the Department of Education regularly produced such works since 1985 and how these works step by step got their first consistency. It also tells from which motivations, be they superficial or deeper, the academic legitimization of these works is aimed for in the framework of a PhD. It also questions the grounds of this academic legitimacy, from the ways the objects were built, the kinds of reasoning that are used and the produced results themselves. The second part starts from what in the previous works dealt with the way the French Educational system is ruled, with two subtitles “A Department of ignorance?” and “Disorder in Educational authorities” : it is shown to what extent the notion of “educational system”, made sacred as it is, together with fallacious political positions about evaluation, with the frequent ignorance of international issues in most educational decisions, and with a weak official interest towards knowledge about education, reinforces the central State, as far as Education is concerned, as an actor paradoxically monopolistic, ignorant and powerless.The third part is more specifically dedicated to one aspect of the educational system that is often ignored and taboo, namely curricular policies: the author does not only show that the concept of curriculum itself is not used, but that the disorder that has for long characterized the way the curricula are produced in France, makes up a system together with a disinterest towards what students actually learn, this disinterest being itself part of the selection-oriented French educational tradition. Eventually, it analyses to which extent the introduction of the “common core of competencies to be reached at the end of compulsory education” (“socle commun”) opens the way for the first curricular policy in this country.