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This thesis investigates the relationship between Christianity and urban monumental space in the late antique Levant. Through the analysis of both textual and archaeological evidence it seeks to clarify both the motives and the stages of the process of Christian takeover of the urban space of Levantine cities from the 4th to the 7th century AD. In doing so Christians were in essence both projecting their growth as the predominant religion and, at the same time, creating an entirely new monumental landscape. The case studies are presented in three separate groups, selected on the basis of the principal strategy that was chosen in the process of Christianisation of urban space. The first section analyses the cases of Gerasa, Jerusalem, Heliopolis, and Petra to illustrate the first of these strategies: the main method for occupying the symbolic space of the city was the construction of a contrast between the surviving ruins of the earlier, Hellenic, temples and the new Christian churches. The second group of case studies includes Scythopolis, Caesarea Maritima, Gaza, and to a certain extent Heliopolis. This section deals with those cities where the main strategy was the physical demolition of all or at least the most pre-eminent Hellenic buildings and their direct replacement with a new, and often grand, church. The third group, and the last, consists of the cities of Bostra, Gadara, Apamea, where rather than having to engage with a major Hellenic monument the main competitor was the secular state whether local or imperial. This is found to have resulted in a search for integration into the landscape rather than active competition.

L’objet de cette thèse est d’étudier les relations entre Louis le Germanique et les aristocrates laïques, aussi bien ceux qui appartenaient à son propre royaume (de Bavière puis de Francie orientale), que ceux qui appartenaient aux autres royaumes issus du traité de Verdun (843). L’intérêt de cette recherche, qui s’inscrit dans le cadre d’un très récent renouveau d’intérêt pour le règne de Louis, est d’apporter un nouvel éclairage sur l’évolution politique de l’Empire carolingien central à tardif, en étudiant sa facette « orientale », souvent négligée par rapport à sa contrepartie « occidentale ».<p>Dans un contexte caractérisé par les rivalités et les conflits, il est évidemment vital pour le roi de s’assurer l’appui des grands et de les intégrer à son entourage. La première partie de ce travail a donc été consacrée à l’entourage du roi et à son évolution. Cet entourage a plus précisément été défini sur base du De Ordine Palatii d’Hincmar de Reims :il inclut d’abord les membres du Palais au sens étroit du terme (famille et détenteurs d’offices palatins – laïques en l’occurence -) ;ensuite l’ensemble des « grands » laïques du royaume, qui, sans détenir d’office au Palais, entretiennent une relation privilégiée avec le roi, soit qu’ils détiennent de lui un honor (les comtes), soit qu’ils appartiennent à ses vassaux ou à ses fideles. Au sein de cet ensemble de personnes, tous ne bénéficient cependant pas de la même « Königsnähe » ;par conséquent, en tenant compte de la nature des sources issues de Francie orientale (essentiellement les actes privés des abbayes et évêchés du royaume), il s’est avéré nécessaire de nuancer ce tableau en recherchant les personnalités qui font réellement preuve de la plus grande proximité avec le roi, sans être nécessairement pour autant les mieux documentés au niveau des sources.<p>De tous les membres (laïques) de cet entourage, les comtes sont apparus comme les plus importants, en raison de leur fonction même ;pour cette raison (et afin de rendre la consultation plus aisée et plus pratique pour qui s’intéresse aux comtes), une prosopographie a été constituée, incluant les comtes actifs en Bavière (826-887), Alémannie, Francie, Saxe, Thuringe (833-887) et Lotharingie orientale (870-887). <p>Si cette approche, essentiellement prosopographique, est intéressante en soi, elle ne permet néanmoins pas, en tant que telle, d’apprécier la teneur des relations entre roi et grands, ni de replacer celle-ci dans le cadre plus global de l’Empire carolingien. Pour ce faire, il est nécessaire d’y ajouter l’étude de certains éléments significatifs, qui permettent de dégager plus aisément continuités, ruptures et spécificités. A l’étude de l’évolution du fisc (et des spécificités des donations royales), s’est jointe celle des éléments représentatifs du pouvoir des aristocrates :possession de monastères privés, disposition de fortifications, transmission des offices comtaux. L’articulation de ces éléments avec le pouvoir royal révèle des spécificités très intéressantes, notamment au niveau du contrôle du roi sur les donations et honores accordés aux grands, le maintien de la révocabilité de ceux-ci étant visiblement souhaité ;s’il n’est pas toujours possible d’évaluer le rôle de la volonté royale dans cette évolution, il n’en va pas de même quand on étudie les divers actes d’infidélité, réels ou supposés, portés contre le roi. Les réactions royales, en la matière, semblent bien le signe d’une politique distincte et cohérente.<p>En conclusion, cette analyse se joint à l’approche prosopographique pour présenter une manière spécifique de concevoir, et d’aborder sur le plan pratique, les relations entre roi et grands. Sous certains aspects, ce règne se distingue nettement de celui de ses contemporains, et éclaire donc une autre facette de l’évolution de l’Empire carolingien postérieure au traité de Verdun, globalement (et provisoirement) plus maîtrisée qu’ailleurs ;celle-ci ne peut être ignorée et doit contribuer à nuancer l’image de l’évolution du pouvoir royal au IXème s.<p> / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Historians have long struggled to conceptualise the Holy Roman Empire in the later Middle Ages. This thesis seeks to provide an interpretation of political life in the Empire which captures the structures and dynamics in evidence in the sources. It does so through a comparative study of the varied socio-political elites along the Upper Rhine between 1350 and 1500, with frequent reference to other regions of the Empire. The thesis is divided into three sections. Part I, consisting of four chapters, examines the shared and interconnective characteristics of several spheres of activity - the documentary, judicial, ritual, military, and administrative - in which various elites interacted through the same practices and conventions. Part II (five chapters) deals with the types of contractual association which emerged organically from these shared and interconnective structures and practices. It shows that these associations - leagues, alliances, judicial agreements, coinage unions, and others - were more common and more similar than typically assumed, that they regulated key judicial and military affairs, and that they reflected a shared ideology which emphasised peace-keeping and the common good within the Empire's framework. Part III of the thesis shows how the structures and dynamics explored in Parts I and II played out in specific situations by reference to three case studies in the 1370s-'80s, 1410s-'30s, and 1460s-'70s. All three demonstrate how the 'associative political culture' model can illuminate events which were previously considered to be moments of crisis or chaos, or the products of 'territorial' or 'constitutional' processes. The thesis concludes by arguing that, in light of this evidence, the Holy Roman Empire is best understood as a community of interdependent elites who interacted within a shared 'associative political culture'. This conclusion highlights the need for a new paradigm beyond those of the 'territory', the 'constitution', or the centralising 'state'.

In 533, Justinian I ordered the conquest of the former Roman provinces of Africa, which had been lost to the Vandals a century earlier. The 'reconquest' has been regarded, by contemporaries and modern scholars alike, as one of the defining successes of the reign. However, despite the evident achievements of the campaign, Roman victory over the Vandals marked little more than the beginning of the Eastern Roman Empire's attempt to consolidate its position in Africa. The unanticipated threat posed by hostilities from the Berber tribes would continue until 548. Roman-Berber relations, unlike other aspects of Justinian's foreign relations, have received comparatively little attention, and this study aims to reassess the establishment of Roman authority in Africa and the Eastern Roman Empire's response to the Berber threat. In particular, it considers whether this response should be seen as a series of ad hoc reactions to immediate circumstances, or whether it is possible to identify a coherent Roman policy vis-à-vis the Berbers. The major conclusions of this study fall in two areas. First, it argues that Roman objectives in Africa were far more limited than has generally been supposed, with the empire's territorial ambitions not extending beyond key coastal positions which offered strategic and commercial advantages, and from which the empire could project its limited authority into the interior. Second, this study concludes that the Eastern Roman Empire's actions with respect to the Berber tribes lacked coherence. Attempts to implement a system of client rulers were unsuccessful, partly as a result of the competition between individual Berber leaders as they sought to establish independent polities within the frontiers of the former Roman Empire; and partly as a result of an increasing lack of resources, as well as the instability caused by constantly changing leadership within the African civil and military administrations, which prevented the development of coherent long term strategies for addressing the Berber threat.

Co-tutelle de thèse Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne / Université Libre de Bruxelles, sous la direction conjointe de Michel KAPLAN (Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne) et de Jean-Marie SANSTERRE (Université Libre de Bruxelles)<p><p><p>L’épiscopat constitue un fondement essentiel mais méconnu de l’Église mésobyzantine. Malgré la relative rareté des sources, il est possible d’en retracer l’histoire et les grandes évolutions :une part importante de l’hagiographie de l’iconoclasme et post-iconoclaste concerne en effet métropolites et évêques, témoignant du lien fort existant entre ceux-ci et le peuple des cités dont ils ont la charge, particulièrement quand ils sont considérés saints par la population. De nombreuses sources épistolaires, ecclésiastiques et sigillographiques, émanant des évêques eux-mêmes, permettent d’approcher les réalités du corps épiscopal et celles de la société provinciale qu’il représente auprès des autorités centrales. L’évêque apparaît également comme le relais des volontés impériale et patriarcale dans les provinces de l’Empire. Dans un contexte de compétition de pouvoir avec les autorités locales, l’évêque tente ainsi d’imposer le sien propre, dans ses aspects spatiaux, sociaux, religieux et symboliques.<p>L’approche collective et les approches individuelles de l’épiscopat doivent permettre de comprendre les réalités sociales d’un Empire de plus en plus centré sur sa capitale et dont sont progressivement détachées, du moins dans les sources, les périphéries. Une histoire décentrée de l’Empire byzantin passe dès lors par des études régionales mais aussi par des études consacrées à des groupes sociaux enracinés dans tout l’Empire, surtout lorsque, comme les évêques, ils revendiquent la spécificité de leur région et leur attachement à une société provinciale qui constitue le socle de l’Empire.<p><p>/ <p><p>The episcopate is an essential structure of the middle-Byzantine Church ;however, it remains little known. Although sources are limited, its history and evolution can still be reconstructed, as a large portion of the iconoclastic and post-iconoclastic hagiography deals with metropolitans and bishops. The sources reveal the strong connection between bishops and the inhabitants of the cities under their responsibility, especially when the population considers them as saints. Numerous epistolary, ecclesiastic and sigillographic documents issued by bishops themselves partially unveil the realities of the episcopal group and the provincial society that bishops represent to the central authorities. The bishop also serves as relay of both imperial and patriarchal wills to the provinces of the Empire. Competing with local authorities, the bishop thus tries to impose his own influence in its spatial, social, religious and symbolic dimensions.<p>Both collective and individual approaches of the episcopate make the social realities of the Empire more understandable, as it becomes more and more focused on its capital city while its peripheries gradually move away, which documentation seems to imply. Regional studies, but also studies focused on social groups established across the whole Empire, are the fundamentals of a decentred history of the Byzantine Empire. This is especially true since social groups such as bishops claim the specificity of their regions and their link to a provincial society that represents the cornerstone of the Empire. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The present thesis deals with the Byzantine Empire at the beginning of the 13th century. The text concentrates on events following the conquest of Constantinople by the crusader army in 1204 and the response of Byzantine elites to the new political reality. The main attention is paid to Theodore I Laskaris and his actions concerning the emerge of Empire of Nicaea. The Nicene Empire is compared to the Empire of Trebizond and the Despotate of Epirus. The purpose of the thesis is to analyze differences of these state units and their relation to the political and cultural tradition of the Byzantine Empire as well as to determinate main elements of the Byzantine statehood. The significant amount of both continuity of social processes and cultural traditions within the Byzantine society is emphasized. The Empire of Nicaea is evaluated as an integral and important part of the history of the Byzantine Empire.

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This thesis examines the experiences and impacts of the deployment of Highland soldiers to North America in the mid to late-eighteenth century. Between 1756 and 1783, Britain sent ten Highland battalions to the North American theatre, where they fought for the duration of both the Seven Years‟ War and the War of American Independence. The pressures of recruiting, utilizing, and demobilizing these men created powerful new forces in the Scottish Highlands, occurring, and in some cases prefiguring, the region‟s severe socio-economic problems. The impact of military contributions to the imperial state also had significant implications for Gaelic self-perception and the politics of loyalty and interest. This thesis asserts the importance of imperial contacts in shaping the development of the Scottish Highlands within the British state. Rejecting the narrative of a centrifugal empire based on military subjugation, this thesis argues that Gaels, of all social groups, constructed their own experiences of empire, having tremendous agency in how that relationship was formed. The British Empire was not constructed only through the extension or strengthening of state apparatus in various geographical spaces. It was formed by the decision of local actors to willingly embrace the perceived advantages of empire. Ultimately, the disproportionately large Highland commitment to military service was a largely negative force in the Highlands. This thesis establishes, however, the importance of political and ideological imperatives which drove these decisions, imperatives that were predicated on inter-peripheral contacts with British America. It establishes the extent to which Highland soldiers willingly ensured the development of British imperialism in the late eighteenth century.