A influência da Maçonaria no Brasil, ainda é um tema muito pouco estudado pela historiografia. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar mais a fundo qual seria o papel das lojas maçônicas na difusão do movimento republicano na província de São Paulo, entre o final da década de 1860 e 1889, em meio à expansão cafeeira e a formação de uma nova elite econômica que desejava maior representação política. A partir da queda do gabinete de Zacarias de Góes, em 1868, houve a formação do Partido Republicano Paulista (PRP). Nesse período, era criada a Loja América, importante centro difusor das idéias republicanas na província, dela fizeram parte importantes figuras do movimento republicano, como Américo Brasiliense, Américo de Campos e Rangel Pestana. Analisou-se como a Maçonaria se comportou diante das principais questões do período, como o republicanismo, o debate abolicionista e a Questão Religiosa. E principalmente, como a difusão das lojas maçônicas pelo Oeste Paulista contribuiu para a criação e o fortalecimento das redes clientelares que formavam a base política do PRP em seus anos iniciais. / The influence of Freemasonry in Brazil, is still a topic too little studied by historiography. The aim of this study is to analyze more deeply what is the role of the Masonic lodges in the dissemination of the Republican movement in the province of Sao Paulo, between end of the 1860 and 1889, during the coffee economic expansion and the formation of a new economic elite who wished to greater political representation. From the end of the ministry of Zacarias de Goes in 1868 there was formation of the Republican Party of São Paulo (PRP). During this period, was created the Lodge América, an important center for disseminating ideas of republicans in the province, it took part in important figures of the republican movement as Américo Brasiliense, Americo de Campos and Rangel Pestana. Analyzed how Freemasonry has behaved in front of the main issues of the period, such as republicanism, the abolitionist debate and the Religious Question. And especially, how the spread of Masonic lodges across the West Paulista contributed to the creation and strengthening of clientelist networks that formed the political basis of the PRP in its early years.

O império português, formado por conquistas espalhadas pelas mais diversas regiões do globo terrestre, teve o pluralismo administrativo, a promoção de ajustes e a capacidade inventiva como soluções de governabilidade e importantes sustentáculos da dominação. Estendendo-se por terras além-mares, dependeu de mecanismos de mando capazes de conviver com os poderes locais e com as dificuldades impostas pela distância e por diferentes conjunturas. O período entre a Restauração de Portugal, em 1640, e a Abertura dos Portos do Brasil para as nações estrangeiras, em 1808, caracterizou-se por longo movimento de planos e práticas para promover e melhorar a exploração econômica lusitana no ultramar. O trabalho ora apresentado tem o Atlântico como espaço destacado e visa estudar as ações propostas e efetivadas pela Coroa portuguesa para manter, reordenar e ampliar o seu império, consolidadas na lógica de um sistema mercantil imperial; composto pelo centro e pelas distintas partes à volta dele, visando garantir o comércio ultramarino e os subsequentes ganhos da e na metrópole, e cuja gestão teve como principal característica a adaptabilidade. / The Portuguese Empire, formed by conquests spread over most regions of the globe, had the administrative pluralism, promotion of adjustments and inventiveness as solutions to governance and important pivot of domination. Extending for lands beyond the seas, it depended on mechanisms of command able to deal with local authorities and with the difficulties imposed by distance and different conjunctures. The period between Portugals Restoration in 1640, and the opening of Brazilian Ports to foreign friendly nations, in 1808, was characterized by intense planning movement and practices to promote and improve the economic Lusitanian exploitation overseas. This work has the Atlantic as main scenario and aims to study the actions proposed and effected by the Portuguese Crown to maintain, rearrange and expand the Empire, consolidated in the logic of an imperial mercantile system, composed of the center and the many different parts around it, aiming to ensure the overseas trade and subsequent gains for the metropolis and also inside it, and whose management had as main characteristic adaptability.

A querela iconoclasta bizantina do século VIII já foi considerada a maior crise deste período e teve por consequência a legitimação dos ícones enquanto parte da tradição da Igreja. O fenômeno não esteve, no entanto, restrito ao mundo Oriental, tendo desencadeado reações tanto do papado, que se opôs ao iconoclasmo imperial desde seu início, quanto dos carolíngios, que se afirmavam enquanto um novo elemento entre os poderes cristãos. A reunião do concílio de Nicéia II, em 787, quando o culto aos ícones foi definido pela primeira vez como parte da tradição da Igreja, não foi bem recebida pela corte franca, que discordou tanto dos procedimentos quanto das decisões da assembléia, o que deu origem a um tratado, conhecido por libri carolini. Esta obra é sem dúvida um dos mais importantes trabalhos de teologia do governo de Carlos Magno, mas além disso, ele é uma tomada de posição do rei o tratado foi escrito em nome de Carlos Magno que não apenas reivindica a participação na resolução dos assuntos da fé, como se apresenta superior aos gregos, acusados no tratado de arrogância e entendidos como inaptos a interpretar de maneira correta as Escrituras, bem como os testemunhos dos Pais. Os LC são portanto não apenas uma demonstração da teologia de imagens carolíngia, mas um registro do posicionamento do futuro imperador do Ocidente. / The Byzantine Iconoclastic struggle of the eight century has been considered the greatest crisis of this period and had as a consequence the legitimation of icons as part of the churchs traditions. The phenomenon was not restricted to the Oriental world, and unleashed reactions from the papacy, who was opposed to the imperial Iconoclasm from its beginning, as much as from the carolingians, a new element between the Christian powers. The reunion of the second council of Nicaea, in 787, where the cult of icons was established for the first as a Tradition of the church, was not well received by the Frankish court, which disagreed with the procedures and the decisions of the assembly. The Carolingian opposition to the reunion originated a treatise known as libri carolini. This work is with no doubt one of the most important theological writings composed under Charlemagne\'s rule, but also a stand taking of the king who not only revindicates the participation on church matters as presents himself as superior to the Greeks, who are pictured as arrogant and bad interpreters of the Gospels and the Fathers. The LC are, therefore, not only a testimony of the Carolingian theology of images, but a register of the position of the future emperor of the Occident.

This thesis explores identity as it was portrayed, constructed, and upheld through court festivals within the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation in the period between the Peace of Augsburg in 1555 and the coronation of Friedrich V, Elector Palatine, as King of Bohemia in 1619. The thesis is made up of five inter-related thematic chapters. Chapter I analyses the role of ‘Lineage, Legitimacy, and History’. This chapter acknowledges the enduring importance of lineage, genealogy, and history to noble legitimacy, and discusses the threats and questions posed by newly rising families. It demonstrates how competing claims and counter-claims to legitimacy were made as festival occasions attempted to weave their protagonists into the fabric of ‘German’ history together with an associated possession of ‘German’ virtues, and how these claims to legitimacy were buttressed by representations of popular acclaim. Chapter II discusses ‘Mortality, Masculinity, Femininity, and Mutability’. At festivals both the mortality of members of dynasties and gendered roles, ideals, and identities as noble men and women were visible. This chapter argues that the evidence of these festivals complicates any stark delineation between male and female identities, instead stressing the degree of mutability of these categories as well as the centrality of virtue demonstrated, primarily, through skill. The themes of mutability and virtue continue into Chapter III, which addresses ‘Nature and the German Land’. Festivals often incorporated performed claims to possession of, and endorsement from, the German land itself. The land and its topographical features could be represented within cities as part of festival occasions, or the journeys to, and between elements of, festivals could incorporate the landscape into the rhetoric of these spectacles. This rhetoric could be confessionalised and politicised, but representations of nature also served to bolster a universalising rhetoric of virtue through the skilled manipulation of nature to the whim of the ruler. Chapter IV deals with the theme of ‘Religion, Piety, and Confessional Difference’. It discusses the role which displays of piety, including humility before God and the Church, played in these occasions, and draws out elements of confessionalised rhetoric present. However, the analysis shows that directly antagonistic religious imagery and language, seen elsewhere in European festival culture, does not feature. Instead, the emphasis is on non-divisive language and a unifying notion of Christendom. This was, of course, set against the dipole of the ‘Other’ which is addressed in Chapter V, ‘Language, Custom, Othering, and Unity’. Festivals drew attendees from across Europe and often included performed representations of non-Christian ‘Others’ such as Turks, Moors, and inhabitants of the New World. While the foreign, even the Ottoman, could be seen as exotic and luxurious, a rhetoric of superiority nurtured through appropriation and trivialisation of the threat which the Ottomans posed again contributed to the creation of common notions of identity. Finally, far from being an impediment to common identity, the meeting and use of different languages at festivals also served to highlight skill, learning, and virtue in the rhetoric of identity at these occasions.

This dissertation is a study of the reception of the Jesuit-trained Italian author, Giovanni Botero (1544–1617) in early-seventeenth century England. It examines how Botero was translated for an English audience, and reconstructs the debates to which Botero was relevant and helped stimulate in late Elizabethan and Jacobean England. Part I examines the publication history of Botero’s books in England and finds that the translators and printers edited Botero significantly. Its primary focus is thus on who was translating Botero and for what purposes, and who was printing and selling the resulting books. It establishes that the most prominent of Botero’s books in England were the Della grandezza della città (1588), Della ragion di stato (1589), Relazioni Universali (1591–1595). Chapters I–III accordingly consider these works in turn. Chapter IV then briefly turns to consider Botero’s other works, including I prencipi (1600). Part II then turns to look at Botero’s readers. Four further chapters consider Botero’s reception in relation to four broad themes: geography and travel (Chapter I); climate and situation (Chapter II); colonies and commerce (Chapter III); and responses to Machiavelli (Chapter IV). Each of these chapters examine Botero’s contributions to these themes, other contemporary authors whom he was read alongside, and how and why people were reading him to speak to these debates. Ultimately, the backdrop to this story is English colonialism in the Americas and Ireland and a growing interest in understanding the political significance of trade. The dissertation therefore contributes to our understanding of the history of early modern political thought, translation and reception, and English-Italian intellectual exchange in the early modern period. Ultimately, the thesis tells two stories – one about the importance of this Italian author in seventeenth-century England, the other about the intellectual origins of certain key themes in British political thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

This thesis explores the gendered dynamics of industrialisation in the late Ottoman Empire and British India. It examines the ways in which gendered notions of skill, waged work, domesticity and technology shaped employment patterns, labour processes and politics in silk factories in Bursa and cotton mills in Bombay between 1850 and 1910. The project undermines the notion that women's labour was incidental to the development of large-scale factory enterprise in Ottoman and Indian lands. I argue that the confinement of women to labour-intensive and low-paid occupations within and outside the factory brought down wages and provided flexibility to mechanised production. This flexibility was key to the survival and rapid growth of the export-oriented industries in Bursa and Bombay. The common mechanisms of women's marginalisation in the workforce included segregation, masculinisation of machinery, vertical organisation of trade unions, male-controlled recruitment processes and the household division of labour. The extent to which women influenced employment practices depended on the availability of external mediation as well as their means to subvert notions of victimhood, domesticity, honour and duty. In connecting the Ottoman and Indian paths to industrialisation from a gender perspective, the project destabilises male-centric approaches to the global history of economy, labour and technology.

This thesis reads the twentieth-century novel in light of its engagement with multilingualism. It treats the multilingual as a recurring formal preoccupation for writers working predominantly in English, but also as an emergent historical problematic through which they confront the linguistic and political inheritances of empire. The project thus understands European modernism as emerging from empire, and reads its formal innovations as engagements with the histories and quotidian realities of language use in the empire and in the metropolis. In addition to arguing for a rooting of modernism in the language histories of empire, I also argue for the multilingual as a potential linkage between European modernist writing and the writing of decolonisation, treating the Caribbean as a particularly productive region for this kind of enquiry. Ultimately, I argue that these periodical groupings - the modernist and the postcolonial - can be understood as part of a longer chronology of the linguistic legacy of empire. The thesis thus takes its case studies from across the twentieth century, moving between Europe and the Caribbean. The first chapter considers Joseph Conrad as the paradigmatic multilingual writer of late colonialism and early modernism, and the second treats Jean Rhys as a problematic late modernist of Caribbean extraction. The second half of the thesis reads texts more explicitly preoccupied with the Caribbean: the third chapter thus considers linguistic histories of Guyana and the Americas in the works of the experimental novelist Wilson Harris, and the fourth is concerned with the inventive and polemical contemporary Dominican-American novelist, Junot Díaz.

One of the central challenges in modern British historiography is the reconciliation of narratives about the nature and meaning of the British Empire with older themes of class and hierarchy. The historiographical shift to empire and away from class since the 1980s and 1990s coincided with a fundamental shift in Britain's social structure and composition, which itself demands historical explanation. The history of the British honours system - an institution that has blended ideas of class hierarchy with meritocracy and service - can reveal much about social change in twentieth century Britain and its empire. Using a mixture of official and unofficial sources and organized chronologically, my dissertation charts the history of the honours system from the creation of the Order of the British Empire in 1917 to a major set of reforms at the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first. Honours were an active tool of policy and social distinction. Government decisions about who should receive honours and what honours they should receive reveal the importance of different kinds of service and the social class of the individual to be honored. Applied across the whole empire, the system had a double edge: it produced loyalty and kept different social groups in their place. The ever-presence of the institution means that it gives us a consistent benchmark across the twentieth century for what kinds of service was seen as most in need of recognition at different times by the state. The creation of the Order of the British Empire in 1917 opened up the honours system to non-elites, women and a much larger proportion of imperial subjects for the first time, and vastly expanded the number of people who received honours. I argue that change in the honours system during the twentieth century was not a simple matter of linear `democratization', as it is usually portrayed in the British media and by the modern British monarchy and government. Instead, it reflected different priorities at different times. In the empire, the state used honours to buy loyalty from subjects in exchange for social and cultural distinction; however, its symbolism was also appropriated positively and negatively by different groups to make political claims on or against the imperial state. Changes in who got what honours almost always had a specific purpose, and were often rapid. Initially conceived as a way of rewarding voluntary war work, in peacetime the Order of the British Empire was reworked to become an honour where the majority of awards went to paid central state servants. In the aftermath of the Second World War, in which government experts were well-rewarded with honours, politicians and bureaucrats made an effort to distribute honours more widely around the community. Teachers, health workers and other providers of local services benefitted from this change, as the honours system within Britain expanded almost in direct correlation to its shrinking global influence as the British Empire fragmented. At the end of the century, John Major's Conservative government made a deliberate decision to focus once again on voluntary service to the state. This uncontroversial shift in focus helped to bring together two of the functions of the modern British monarchy: its role since the nineteenth century as the official leader of the voluntary sector, and its function as the authenticator of public recognition through the honours system. This theoretically `classless' reform to the honours system reinforced existing divisions in British society by distinguishing between lower-ranked voluntary work and high-ranked professional, philanthropic and celebrity service. There was no clear-cut distinction between merit and hierarchy in the honours system. As a result, in periods of major social change in twentieth-century Britain, honours had an active role in reshaping social hierarchies in Britain and in parts of the empire/former empire. Honours obfuscated the meaning of distinction in modern Britain through the system's connection to the monarchy and its broad use as a political, imperial and social tool. A complicated and entangled combination of personality, status, merit, peer review and luck determined who received what honours. As a result, Britain's premier system for publicly recognizing service and distinguishing status could never fully differentiate between these two functions. In part this was because those who ran it did not desire to separate hierarchy from distinguished service, and because such separation was effectively impossible within existing frameworks. Citizens, subjects, interest groups and post-colonial governments used honours to challenge political and social structures, but it was difficult to break out of the fundamental framework in which honours gave distinction and status in exchange for a performance of loyalty to the Crown. The only escape was the complete rejection of the system, which was a rare choice except in certain parts of the former empire.

This thesis interrogates the emergence of a universal modern idea of childhood in the Madras Presidency between 1920 and 1942. It considers the construction and uses of ‘childhood’ as a conceptual category and the ways in which this informed intervention in the lives of children, particularly in the spheres of education and juvenile justice. Against a background of calls for national self-determination, the thesis considers elite debates about childhood as specifically ‘Indian’, examining the ways in which ‘the child’ emerged in late colonial South India as an object to be reformed and as a ‘human becoming’ or future citizen of an independent nation. Social reform in late colonial India is often assumed to be an area of conflict, particularly informed by racial difference. Children are seen as key targets in the competition between the colonial state and Indian politicians and professionals. However, a detailed study of the 1920 Madras Children Act and 1920 Elementary Education Act reveals the development of consensual decisions in regard to child welfare and the expansion of a ‘social’ realm, which existed outside the political. Dyarchy profoundly changed the nature of government and in policy areas related to children the ‘state’ was Indian in character, action and personnel. This thesis contends that the discursive emergence of ‘the child’ was complicated when legislation was implemented. By tracing implementation it demonstrates the extent to which modern childhood was a symbolic claim, rather than political commitment to children. Tracing the interactions between adults in authority - whether as parents, teachers, politicians or civil society activists – the thesis explores the extent to which the avowedly universal category of childhood was subsumed beneath other identities based on class, caste and gender. Understanding childhood through a variety of administration reports, political debates and pedagogical journals reflects the views and actions of adults. By utilising the remembered experience of middle-class children in autobiographies and the layered archival evidence of aristocratic children under the jurisdiction of the Court of Wards, the thesis balances adult discourses with an awareness of children as historical agents. It considers the ways in which children learned, played and interacted with each other. Finally, therefore, it charts the limits of adult authority and the ways differing identities were experienced in the lives of children in southern India in the early twentieth century.

This dissertation analyses the visual representations of the Lower Thames in the years between about 1880 and 1901 to understand the ways in which they reconstructed and projected modern life in London in and through visual forms. Focusing on works which were accessible in the broad middle-class sphere through exhibitions and publications, it sets out to show how non-modernist works of art articulated capitalist modernity in powerful terms. In translating a working port into representations such as exhibition pictures and newspaper illustrations, artists exploited the naturalist aesthetic. They highlighted the dirty, modern, chaotic and even dangerous river, while playing with the distance between that depicted working-class site and the middle-class audience of their work. Examining their subject and means of representation, the dissertation shows how the late Victorian representations of the Port of London illuminated the values of technology, labour, capital and the Empire.