Incorporating spiritually-involved interventions into the treatment process for chronically ill patients is a trending subject in the field of medical social work. Literature suggests the integration of spirituality with patients diagnosed with a chronic medical illness appear to influence patient’s resiliency level. However, the lack of information and knowledge on the topic suggests medical social workers are still in the process of learning how to utilize spirituality as a form of intervention. This study explores how medical social workers in the Inland Empire perceive the practice of spirituality on resilience levels in adults diagnosed with a chronic medical illness. The data is collected through audio recordings from individual interviews with each participant. The audio recordings are transcribed into transcripts to identify themes and common categories among the participants. The results analyzed call for future research to continue on how to incorporate spirituality into the social work practice in the Inland Empire.

A collection of poetry exploring eighteenth-century material culture connected to empire and enslavement on display in museums.

This thesis investigates the relationship between the Viequenses, the U.S. government, the land, and the law on Vieques from 1979-2012 to illustrate how ecological empire is enacted and contested on the island of Vieques. I argue, that imperial ecology is enacted when a distant and overarching hegemon, in this case the U.S. government, controls the access, use, and management of land and sea through institutional channels in order to advance national priorities of defense and security. In Vieques, the authority of the Navy on the island represented a direct and explicit expression of U.S. military empire and expansion. However, the consequences of the restrictions of land on the island, and the lasting imprint on the land left by the Navy constitute a more subtle and deceptive transnational process of what I term as “imperial ecology.” Chapter One investigates the 1978 fishermen’s struggle for livelihood rights on Vieques to illustrate how the Viequenses framed their grievances in terms of livelihood and land—and sea—and how these grievances became amplified and dispersed as Puerto Rican political actors and radical activists became involved in the struggle. Chapter Two explores the transfer of former bases lands in 2003, unveiling the tensions and contradictions implicit in the overlapping designations of Wildlife Refuge and Superfund site on the island. Chapter Three investigates the 2007 class action lawsuit filed by a collective of over 7,000 Viequenses to demonstrate how the Viequenses perceive the mechanisms of imperial ecology on their island, and how these perceptions diverge from the Navy’s understanding of its action on the island. / acase@tulane.edu

acase@tulane.edu

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1988. / Vita. Bibliography: leaves [419]-437.

La propension des cités grecques antiques à la guerre et à la discorde est un phénomène bien connu, car rien n'était plus important pour les poleis que de surpasser leurs voisines en toutes choses. Cependant, Rome mit un frein à cette rivalité, en établissant la Pax Romana dans tout l'Empire. Dans ce nouvel environnement, la primauté ne pouvait être mesurée par les victoires militaires. Or, la grandeur d'une cité s'appuyait dorénavant sur les titres honorifiques qui lui étaient accordés par les autorités romaines: métropole (mère des autres), néocore (siège d'un temple impérial) ou première de la province. Les Grecs se lancèrent alors dans une véritable course aux titres. Des querelles particulièrement virulentes, et culminant au IIe siècle ap. J.-C., virent le jour, avec des conséquences souvent funestes. Certaines cités perdirent jusqu'à leur statut de ville et leur liberté. L'objectif de ce mémoire est d'étudier les motivations réelles qui sous-tendent cette course aux honneurs et les excès commis par les cités pour les obtenir. Pour ce faire, nous avons voulu soupeser la responsabilité de la mentalité agonale (la rivalité) par rapport à celle d'enjeux plus concrets, comme les avantages économiques, politiques et sociaux qui pouvaient être attachés aux titres. Dans un premier temps, nous avons défini les honneurs et pu constater que la plupart existaient bien avant la domination romaine et qu'ils servaient à indiquer la primauté, soit d'un individu ou d'une cité. La description des rivalités a permis, quant à elle, d'évaluer l'ampleur de la compétition et de ses conséquences. Puis, l'analyse des avantages concrets de la course a conduit à la conclusion que les privilèges accompagnant les titres étaient substantiels et eurent certainement un rôle à jouer. Les empereurs se montrèrent particulièrement généreux dans les investissements consentis pour le développement urbain des cités titrées. Ces dernières occupaient également une position prépondérante au sein du Conseil de la province. En outre, elles attiraient revenus et renommée en accueillant une foule de pèlerins, d'artistes, de sophistes, etc. Mais ces privilèges ne peuvent à eux seuls expliquer la course aux titres honorifiques. En fait, et de tout temps, c'est à travers l'agôn, comme le montre notre dernier chapitre, que les Grecs se sont définis. L'absence d'une structure claire après la chute des palais les a poussés à établir une hiérarchie grâce à la compétition. Le même phénomène se produisit à l'époque où les poleis cherchèrent à se mesurer les unes aux autres en l'absence d'une autorité centrale. La course aux titres honorifiques n'est donc que le dernier volet, dans un contexte de paix forcée, d'une longue tradition où le rang et les rapports de force sont définis par l'agôn. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Compétition, Agôn, Rivalité, Antiquité, Asie Mineure, Smyrne, Éphèse, Pergame.

This thesis analyses the position of the Ottoman Empire and the Italian penin- sula and their position in the international scenario during the 19th century. This work studies the developments in the Ottoman Empire and the Italian peninsula from the beginning of the Tanzimat (in the Ottoman Empire) and the Risorgimento (in the Italian peninsula), until the Crimean War, and eval- uates the consequences of these events for the European balance of power. These developments took place at a time when Europe was divided be- tween conservative and liberal states, the formers being represented by Russia and the Habsburg Empire, the latters by Great Britain and France. This the- sis, while focusing on the role played by these great Powers in influencing the Ottoman Empire and the Italian peninsula during the first half of the 19th century, also considers the international developments that followed the out- break of the Crimean War. The Crimean War in fact saw the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Sardinia allying themselves with the liberal forces, a choice consistent with the political path these two states were following in their internal reforms, which they were undertaking to allow them to meet the challenges of evolving times.

From Britain¡¦s point of view, the problems of security and defense in India subcontinent were far greater than those of the maintenance of law and order and imperial rule in the subcontinent itself. For Indian subcontinent, it was the pivot of British power in all of Asia. Furthermore, British possessed the maritime supremacy, the main threat came from the land, especially form the Northwest frontier. British strategy for the defense of India¡¦s land frontiers was based on the following three points: (1) to maintain firm military strength in the most vulnerable parts of the frontier, i.e., the Northwest frontier and Baluchistan, and to keep the tribes of this area pacified or under their control by ¡§divide and rule¡¨ tactics, for the purpose of consolidating integrity of the Northwest frontier and the security of India subcontinent; (2) to encourage the establishment of a string of buffer states all along the perimeter of the subcontinent and to maintain influence or friendly relations with them; and (3) to prevent any contiguous territory and states form coming under the control of a strong power, notably Russia, if necessary by forceful means. Although there are many historical and geographic constraints in South Asia defense considerations, the present defense strategy of India has to be designed to meet the new circumstances. Throughout the years of independence the main security concern of India has been defense over both land and sea problems. On land, India has to handle the relationship with Pakistan and protect the Northeast frontier against the threat from China. In the past, the Northwest frontier was an unified area, after the retreat of British power in 1947, the geographical and strategic unity of the India subcontinent was broken. Moreover, India has nearly a coastline of 7,000 km long, but India doesn¡¦t have the maritime supremacy, so that it should be compelled to deal with potential threat from India ocean.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Fakultät für Orientalistik und Altertumswissenschaft--Heidelberg--Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, 1996. / Bibliogr. p. 581-607. Index.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Gießen--Justus-Liebig-Universität, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 355-399. Index.