Die Türkei hat sich zum strategischen Spieler im Nahen Osten entwickelt. Unübersehbar ist der Wandel vom laizistischen Staatsmodell zur Islamisierung. Das spiegelt sich auch in einer offensiven Außenpolitik wider. Verfolgt Erdogan eine neo-osmanische Strategie? Deutsche und türkische Autoren leuchten die „Tiefe“ des türkischen Raumes aus. Afghanistan im Comic? Graphic Novels zeichnen Linien der globalen Politik artistisch nach – oft ungeschminkt, mit der Wucht der Kunst. Wir stellen Neuerscheinungen aus der Welt der politischen Comics vor.

The role of secularism in government is an important question following the events of the Arab Spring. This report aims to look at how Turkey and India's political systems evolved in the 20th and 21st century against the backdrop of constitutional secularism. Moreover, this report explores some of the consequences of secular principles on economic and societal progress. Turkey, with a stance that separates religion and state, has had numerous problems between secular and religious groups. This strife has led to multiple coups and cycles of progress and political turmoil. The military sees its duty as guarding the secular principles of Turkey -- a problem for politicians perceived as overly religious. In India, which has a concept of secularism that requires government consideration and protection for all religions, what has evolved is a political system that pits a party devoted to secularism against a party that advocates a more Hindu national identity. In both Turkey and India, some social and economic interests are drowned out by more vocal religious political groups. While both these countries have different interpretations of secularism, the current atmosphere in both countries fosters civil unrest and, at times, violence. On a societal level the rhetoric only serves to divide people. So long as this rhetoric and atmosphere exists, there is a limit to economic progress, societal stability, and international influence. This last aspect is especially important for these two countries, which have broad historical reach. In Turkey, previous restrictions on religion have been repealed by the current government in order to follow more democratic principles, however, many also see this as the first step towards a politically Islamic Turkey. In India, the religious rhetoric concerns the religious minority groups. India is a country with relatively high governmental restriction and very high societal hostility towards religion. Much of this hostility manifests as public violence. The emergence and predicted victory of a more Hindu political party only fuels the public debate over secularism. The challenge is to balance secularism with freedom of religion, and perhaps accept an evolving stance that reflects each policy's limit. / text

In the Middle East region, Iran and Turkey are influential powers, and both countries have relatively stable regimes in the Middle East countries. The two countries have chosen different paths after their political transformation. After reviewing the political practice of the two countries, due to different political environments, the two armies and religions have played prominent but different roles. After the Islamic revolution in Iran, the army was the protector of the regime, while religion played a leading role. After Kemal Ataturk established power, Turkey took a completely secularized road. The Turkish army was the defender of the secularized path independent of the government in the Turkish regime, while Islamic religion tried to exert influence as a political party. In addition, the article discusses whether it is based on complete secularization or is derived from Islamic religious tradition, which is a feasible way to modernize Islamic countries. At present, since Islam still has considerable influence, only by adapting Islam to the needs of modern society and making modernization the internal needs of Islam can Islamic countries be successfully modernized.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-02-08T11:20:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Yusuf Elemen.pdf: 2929492 bytes, checksum: 224f344a7703f6bc76e313d125d1b1ec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-08T11:20:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Yusuf Elemen.pdf: 2929492 bytes, checksum: 224f344a7703f6bc76e313d125d1b1ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / On July 15, 2016, there was a military coup attempt in Turkey by a faction within the Turkish Armed Forces that presented themselves as the "Council of Peace at Home", but, this time - different from what happened with the previous ones, such as 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997 coup d'état - was not successful. The attempted coup is considered the most important event since 1946 by its political and social results. In this sense, the Brazilian press published a great volume of news on the subject, due to the international impact generated by the coup. The aim of this work is to analyze the coverage of the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo, from July 16 to August 30, 2016 / No dia 15 de julho de 2016, houve uma tentativa de golpe militar na Turquia, por uma facção dentro das Forças Armadas turcas que se apresentaram como o “Conselho da Paz na Pátria”, contudo, desta vez – diferentemente do que ocorreu com os anteriores, como os golpes de 1960, 1971, 1980 e 1997 – este não foi bem-sucedido. A tentativa de golpe é considerada o mais importante acontecimento desde 1946 por seus resultados políticos e sociais. Nesse sentido, a imprensa brasileira publicou um grande volume de notícias sobre o assunto, devido ao impacto internacional gerado pelo golpe. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o enquadramento da cobertura dos jornais Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo e O Globo, no período de 16 de julho a 30 de agosto de 2016

The left-wing Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) began its violent insurgency campaign against the Turkish state in 1984, claiming that an independent Kurdistan should exist. However, the origins of this conflict can be traced back even further – to the inception of the Turkish Republic in 1923. This thesis begins by investigating the history of how the conflict between the Kurdish and Turkish political frameworks escalated, exploring the concept of “Turkishness” as an element of a homogeneous nation-state. The paper then assesses the effects of a range of exclusionary measures adopted by the Turkish state (beyond punitive military responses in southeastern Turkey and cultural discrimination policies). Ultimately, I argue that the ruling Justice and Development Party’s recent push for a more authoritarian style of leadership under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has ostracized the Kurdish population and has created a climate for Kurdish terrorist organizations, such as the PKK and TAK, to prosper and expand recruitment.

This study aims to describe and compare the differences and similarities for US mainstream media’s representation of two different coup attempts by using Robert Entman’s Framing theory in terms of legitimacy. The chosen cases are the coup attempt in Turkey (2016) which is an US ally, having a right-wing government and the coup attempt in Venezuela (2002) which has a strained relationship with the US and having left-wing government. The research applies qualitative approach to conduct a small-n case study for comparing and analyzing how the media framed the legitimacy of acts and actors during these two coup attempts. This is an attempt to describe the problematization of theory becoming practice for the US mainstream media regarding the presentation of what is legitimate and what is not. The definition of legitimacy is very clear, but the US mainstream media have issues to reflect this definition to the reality.

Within the current epoch, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is challenged more than ever. The axiomatic values established in the post-Cold War era from the Western Liberal block are faced once again with antithetic narratives, reflecting strong elements of authoritarianism and dogmatic positions. This time however, the threat is coming from within. Turkey's stance after the 2016 military coup is steadily developing a rift not only with the European Union, but NATO as well.

The overall purpose of this thesis is three folded; to analyze Turkey's constantly changing influence since the 1990s in the Western Balkans, consider the failed 2016 coup attempt in Turkey and the anti-Gülenist campaign by Erdogan in the region (with Kosovo as the focus), and to delve into the international and local media discourse surrounding the deportations of suspected Gülenist from Kosovo with the help of Turkish intelligence on March 29, 2018. Employing a mixed methodology approach, the author evaluated existing sources in an attempt to answer the research question; "In what ways has the 2016 Coup d'état attempt in Turkey resonated in the Western Balkans, and how did the local and international media discourse portray the 2018 Gülenists extraditions from Kosovo to Turkey?" The research holds that while the media discourse displayed Kosovo and Turkey's actions as being in violation of numerous international laws, the issue was quickly swept away from the spotlight. Since 2012 (the beginning of the Erdogan-Gülen rift) and especially following the 2016 failed coup attempt in Turkey, Erdogan has been emboldened by his growing personal relationships with key Balkan politicians. This has led to continued demands (thus far met with little success) that Western Balkan states arrest and deport...

The ongoing rise in the number of young, educated individuals emigrating from Turkey, particularly those expressing dissident views, signals a critical reaction to the country's increasing tilt towards authoritarianism. This study delves into this phenomenon, seeking to comprehend the intricate relationship between growing authoritarianism and the escalating emigration trend. By conducting in-depth, episodic interviews with Turkish emigrants, the study unravels the personal narratives that have been shaped by the changing political climate in Turkey. These narratives underscore the critical role that the perception and experience of increasing authoritarianism play in their decision to emigrate. The narratives not only shed light on the individual motives and experiences of emigrants but also offer a window into the broader socio-political transformations unfolding in Turkey.

This research paper explores the effect of nationalist attitudes on anti-immigrant voting, focusing on the securitisation of migrants and its influence on anti-immigrant sentiments as a causal mechanism. Previous research indicates a correlation between shock events such as a vast influx of migrants and the perception of competition as precursors to anti-immigrant voting. However, increased contact between groups due to forced proximity has been found to improve relationships and reduce anti-immigrant voting. This paper aims to develop the theory and investigate the extent to which another factor, nationalist attitudes in Kais Saied and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s pre-electoral speeches had an effect on anti-immigrant voting in 2018-2019. It tests the hypothesis that anti-immigrant voting increases when politicians use nationalist discourse before elections. The paper acknowledges the relevance of media coverage as an alternate explanatory factor.