This thesis is the study of the relationship between individuals and communities in the context of racialised minorities in the United Kingdom. The research examines the ways in which individuals belonging to the Kashmiri community articulate and manifest 'Kashmyriat' in conditions of diaspora. Specifically, the research is an investigation of the core features of Kashmiri identity. These were selected as being identifications based on culture, religion and the territorial identification with the land of Kashmir, the nature of culture conflict between individuals and community and differences between generations of Kashmiris and the role of gender identity in 'Kashmyriat'. The central premise is that identity is constantly updated, multiple and redefined in relation to contextual changes through a process of enculturation. Results of the research suggest that culture, religion and territorial identification with the land of Kashmir are central core features of Kashmiri identity in Luton. The younger generation appear to be maintaining a distinct and separate identity based partly on shared culture, religion and terrirotial identification with the land of Kashmir with the older generation whilst they are redefining their identity in response to the contexts in which they have been born and brought up. Gender identities appear to be less significant as part of overall identity development. Theoretically the thesis is an exploration of identity and its relationship to cultural identity among migrants. In this thesis I rely on qualitative ethnographic work as well as the quantitative research methodology of Identity Structure Analysis (ISA) to try and draw a textured analysis of Kashmiri identity transformation in the wake of immigration to Luton. Using the notion of enculturation the thesis sets out to deepen and make this concept more academically rigorous. Enculturation is deployed as a means to understanding the process of identity transformation. Results of the research suggest that culture, religion and affiliation with the land of Kashmir. Whilst they share the first two with other South Asian ethnicised communities in the United Kingdom it appears that the territorial affiliation with the land of Kashmir which can be translated as political identity is currently their self-defined identity. This is marking the Kashmiris as a national community whose individuals and collectivities centre their identity on 'Kashmyriat'.

In light of the growing criticism of multicultural policies of integration, there has been an increased interest in the questions surrounding political integration of immigrant-origin minorities. In particular, public and policy debates have focused on the importance of a shared sense of Britishness, the incompatibility of certain cultural values and practices, as well as the role of grievances and discrimination in determining the successful integration of the growing population of ethnic minorities. The work presented in this thesis consists of three separate studies that look at different aspects of political integration. The first study examines determinants of the strength of attachment to Britain among immigrant-origin individuals. Specifically, it looks at the role of: (1) indicators of integration and assimilation, (2) immigrants' conservative ideological beliefs, (3) the 'desirable' characteristics of immigrants, and (4) immigrants' placement on the individualism-collectivism scale. Empirical analyses are conducted using three datasets: Understanding Society, Citizenship Survey and Ethnic Minority British Election Study. The findings from individual and multi-level regression models show that collectivist orientation, determined by both individual differences as well as cultural differences of immigrants' countries of origin, is an important predictor of self-reported strength of British identity. In consequence, it is argued that the subjective importance of Britishness among immigrants is perhaps associated with integration/assimilation outcomes to a lesser extent than it is commonly believed. The second study presented in the thesis examines the applicability of the arguments derived from group consciousness and assimilation theories for explaining the patterns of political participation among British ethnic minorities. The chosen indicators of assimilation and group consciousness include: (1) measures of attachment to national and ethnic community, (2) perceptions of ethnic grievances, and (3) embeddedness in national versus ethnic civic community. The statistical analysis based on EMBES data shows that group consciousness indicators have a mobilising effect on non-electoral activities, and influence political party as well as ethnic-specific policy preferences. On the other hand, greater embeddedness in the national rather than ethnic community has a positive effect on electoral participation. Therefore, it is argued that both theoretical approaches are relevant for understanding political involvement. However, the effects of group consciousness and assimilation indicators operate in more nuanced ways than the classical formulations of these theories would predict. The final study examines the role of ethnic organisations for political mobilisation of two distinct communities: Bangladeshis and Caribbeans based on the data from forty qualitative interviews with community activists located in Birmingham and Oldham. The comparative qualitative enquiry aimed to (a) explore whether the existing differences of political integration outcomes between the selected communities can be partially attributed to the character of their co-ethnic organisational networks; and (b) to explore how and why co-ethnic associations might affect the political mobilisation of local communities. The findings from the interview data indicate that activists from these two communities have very different attitudes towards political agency and the role of co-ethnic organisations. In general, most of Bangladeshi organisations can be described as having instrumental goals and pro-mainstream orientation, whereas most Caribbean organisations could be characterised as having expressive goals and anti-mainstream orientation. In consequence, it is argued that the different character of ethnic civic organisations has an important impact on the ways these communities engage in politics, both as individuals and as groups.

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The impact of ethnic residential concentration on the process of integration of ethnic minorities into the mainstream society has been increasingly debated among both scholars and policy makers across Europe. This thesis seeks to contribute to this debate by addressing the effect of ethnic residential concentration on the political participation of Black Africans in Britain. The study pursues three main objectives: investigating the marginalising or mobilising impact of co-ethnic residential concentration on political participation; disentangling the processes underpinning this relationship by focusing on the effect of ethnic-based social networks, represented here by voluntary organisations, religious institutions and informal social networks; exploring the influence of the immigration-related heterogeneity that characterises the Black African community on the relationship between residential concentration, ethnic social networks and political participation. A mixed-method approach is adopted. The quantitative enquiry focuses on the Black African community as a whole and relies on secondary data drawn from the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Electoral Survey. The qualitative enquiry is based on primary data collected through face-to-face interviews and participant observation among Ghanaians and Somalis in London. The quantitative analysis shows that, among Black Africans, residential concentration has a mobilising effect on voter turnout but a marginalising effect on non-electoral participation. Ethnic social networks do not seem to mediate this relationship. Residential concentration is significantly, and positively, correlated to individual participation in ethnic places of worship and embeddedness in ethnic informal networks but not to involvement in ethnic organisations. In turn, the latter positively influences non-electoral engagement whereas ethnic places of worship and informal networks are not related to political engagement. The qualitative findings suggest that residential concentration is more relevant for the creation of and participation in ethnic organisations among Somalis than among Ghanaians. However, this relationship is likely to be influenced by other contextual factors such as institutional support, ethnic diversity and tribal homogeneity. Somali organisations also seem to play a more active political role than Ghanaian groups with regard to both electoral and non-electoral engagement. The two communities appear to be more similar when considering the relationship between ethnic religious institutions and informal connections with co-ethnics. These networks are not necessarily dependent on ethnic residential clustering and their effect on political engagement is primarily linked to informal political discussion. Overall, the results suggest that the relationship between residential concentration, ethnic social networks and political participation of Black Africans varies considerably between the two national groups researched, primarily due to their immigration-related characteristics, as well as across modes of political engagement (i.e. electoral, non-electoral) and local contexts.

Rationale: This study was conducted to help improve mental health care for Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) clients as previous research carried out in non-western countries has suggested that western-developed psychotherapies often need to be culturally adapted to become more effective in treating this client group. The aim of this study was to explore how CBT therapists deliver manualised CBT with BME clients and if they make any adaptations, how and to what extent are they implemented. Method: Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) guided the conduct and analysis of one-to-one, semi-structured interviews with six CBT therapists working in an Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) service. The inclusion criteria for participants was accreditation with the BABCP, completion of an IAPT programme CBT diploma and to be currently working in an IAPT service, at least two years experience as a CBT therapist and at least four cases of completed therapy with BME clients. Findings: Four master themes emerged (1) CBT is based on western principles, (2) The complex nature of CBT, (3) Changing practice of manualised CBT and (4) The influence of therapist factors. Conclusion: The participants experienced many issues in their practice of manualised CBT with BME clients which led them to make changes including adaptations to manualised CBT. They described their current practice as being integrative as they incorporated therapeutic approaches other than pure manualised CBT, making them more flexible and adaptable. The adaptations involved altering the cognitive and behavioural interventions to better suit the individual needs of the client. The adaptations took into account the client’s culture, religion, language, psychological mindedness, acculturation to their host country, education and age. The participants’ confidence in CBT and their self-identity as therapists also influenced their overall practice of therapy. Recommendations for practice are discussed in relation to therapeutic practice, training of therapists, supervision and policy makers.

The topic of this diploma thesis is ethnic groups in the space of the former Soviet Union in the time period 1994-2006 and their involvement in ethnic conflicts. The aim of this thesis is to identify key parameters driving these ethnic groups towards armed conflict as a response to their needs, interests and living conditions. Key assumptions of this thesis are derived from qauntitative as well as qualitative studies. Important characteristics of ethnic groups are also included in the analysis of possible causes of ethnic conflicts. The theoretical discussion shows three main factors which can make ethnic groups more prone to conflict: permanent exclusion, strong identity and lastly dissimilarity of an ethnic group. Influence of these factors is tested using descriptive statistics, odds ratio, correlation and logistic regression. Statistical results shows that strong identity as well as discrimination of ethnic groups increase the probability of ethnic conflicts.

Language Borders as Borders of Ethnic Identity Language Use and Ethnic Categorisation among Vlax Roma in Eastern Slovakia The thesis focuses on the topic of the relationship between language use and the process of ethnic categorization in one municipality in Eastern Slovakia. It presents an extensive case study based on eighteen years of field research among the inhabitants of the Vlach Roma settlement in the village called "Borovany ". The author uses a combination of socio-anthropological and sociolinguistic methods and explores the actors' perspective on the conceptualisation of group boundaries dividing the inhabitants of the village into the Vlach Roma (Vlašika Rom), Non- Vlach Roma (Rumungri) and Non-Roma (Gáže) and the role of language in the whole process. In the anthropological part of her research, the author studied the patterns of social organization within the studied village and analysed the symbolic categories that are relevant for the social space of the group of Vlašika Roma. She discusses the ways in which symbolic boundaries between "us" and "them" are formed and focuses on identifying the boundary markers that shape these symbolic boundaries. She concludes that it is the language that represents one of the most important pillars of the group identity of the Vlach Roma while...