The international community adopted DDR programs at the end of the Cold War in 1989 as a means to end violent conflicts in various parts of world. The traditional DDR programs were designed either to disband the defeated enemy forces, or to integrate excombatants where the fighting has not been conclusive. Exclusion of ex-combatants has resulted in renewed conflict. This thesis argues that conventional DDR has neglected two important aspects that are crucial for sustainable stability and societal reconciliation: military integration and a sensitization program. In contrast, an approach that integrates former enemy forces and equally reintegrates ex-combatants and government forces into civilian society not only ends violent conflict, but also bridges the social gap among ethnic groups and, consequently, enhances societal reconciliation. The Rwandan DDRI program considers integration/reintegration of ex-combatants that precedes the sensitization phase that takes 3-4 months; this has led to stability and reconciliation after the 1994 genocide. Ingando is a reconciliation tool that transforms negative perceptions that cause ethnic hatred; mitigates conflict influence factors; and manages defeat, shame, and remorse on the part of the loser. Therefore DDRI programs that integrate a sensitization program and exit strategy lead to sustainable stability and reconciliation.

Avec le plus grand et le plus diversifié nombre d’immigrants et d’étrangers en Europe, la France représente un segment de marché viable et inexploité. Le marketing ethnique, élaboré par plusieurs acteurs du marché, a pour objectif de développer de nouveaux segments de marché, ou de couvrir l’ensemble du marché en tenant compte de la croissance multi-ethnnique en réalité. L’objectif de notre travail est de mesurer l’identité ethnique de la population ethnique en France, leurs facteurs de socialisation, leur comportement de consommation ethnique en général, et leur consommation d’aliments ethniques en particulier, ainsi que de déterminer les influences de ces facteurs. Cette recherche s’inscrit dans une démarche hypothético-déductive et est structurée en deux parties théorique et empirique pour servir l’objectif visé. La première partie est consacrée à l’analyse du contexte général, à la revue de la littérature et à l’élaboration d’un modèle conceptuel de l’identité ethnique, des facteurs de socialisation et de leurs impacts sur les comportements de consommation ethnique et sur la consommation d’aliments ethniques. Seront analysées la théorie de l’identité sociale [Henry Taifel & John C. Tuner 1970], la théorie du développement de l'identité qui se compose de la théorie de l'ego identité [Erik Erikson 1986] et des recherches empiriques sur l'identité personnelle [Marcia, 1980] et le développement de l'identité ethnique [ Phinney et Ong, 2007] ; la théorie de la culture, sous-culture, contre-culture, acculturation, ainsi qu'une connaissance approfondie de l'ethnicité, l'identité ethnique et le marketing ethnique. La partie empirique sera consacrée à la collecte, le traitement et l’analyse de données, qui serviront à vérifier non seulement les variables du modèle conceptuel, mais aussi les hypothèses des relations entre elles. Les résultats de notre étude sur la population ethnique en France ont confirmé nos hypothèses de manière générale. Ils sont utiles en termes de contribution théorique et managériale car ils aident à mettre en évidence quelques stratégies pour le marketing ethnique associé à l'identité ethnique, les comportements de consommation ethnique et la consommation d'aliments ethniques. / As a country with biggest number of immigrants in Europe, France has been so far known with its multiple ethnic populations, in which the ethnic minority represents a viable and untapped market segment. As a result, ethnic marketing has been developed correspondingly by several market agents who would like either to pursue new market segment or strive to cover the whole market while taking into account of growing multi-ethnic reality in France. The objective of this research is to measure ethnic identity of ethnic population in France, their socialization factors, their ethnic consumption behavior in general and their ethnic food consumption in particular, as well as to determine the influences of these factors. Applying a hypothetico-deductive approach, both theoretical and empirical investigations are conducted to serve the mentioned objective. The first part is a literature review, helpful in developing a conceptual model of ethnic identity, socialization factors and their impacts on ethnic consumption behavior and ethnic food consumption. It includes the social identity theory [Henry Taifel & John C. Tuner, 1970]; identity development theory which consists of theory on ego identity [Erik Erikson, 1986] and empirical researches on personal identity [Marcia, 1980] and ethnic identity development [Phinney & Ong, 2007]; theory on culture, sub-culture, counter-culture, acculturation; as well as in depth knowledge on ethnicity, ethnic identity, and ethnic marketing. Whereas empirical part involves data collection, processing and analysis, which servethe purpose of verifying not only variables of the conceptual model, but also the hypotheses on the relationships between them. The results of the survey on ethnic population in France have confirmed these hypotheses. They are useful in terms of theoretical contribution, as well as from the point of management since they help highlighting some strategies for ethnic marketing in associated with ethnic identity, ethnic consumption behavior and ethnic food consumption.

The advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994 coincided with International Legislation where the International Labour Organisation ILO Convention 1969 – Indigenous & Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 was prominent in their ‘rights to roots’ campaign, closely followed by the 1994 United Nations Draft - Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These international debates filtered through to local communities in South Africa, who was still in the infant stages of democracy. The newly installed government glanced off ethnic loyalty in favour of the spirit of nationalism as the building blocks to unity in the new State. Under leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), resurgent voices of Khoisan revivalist groups appeared to reassert an identity linked to particularity. This was done in the wake of a colonial and apartheid past, where these institutions destabilised identities hence the formation and mobilization of new political structures amongst neo-Khoisan Revivalist groups. Many of these neo-Khoisan groups are spearheaded by self-appointed leaders to mobilize support on the basis of ethnic loyalty to foster notions of ‘belonging’ to an ethnic society and the scramble for resources. This thesis looked at the contemporary view of those who are in the process of identity reclamation. It has done so by using the Korana Royal House as a vignette to look at the broader Khoisan movement. The thesis looked at the evolution of naming rules and customs and how these interrelate in different contexts and the international discourse about concepts like indigenous and traditional groups.

在香港的英屬殖民時期，“混血兒（Eurasian）被限定為一個特別的種族分類。其身份在殖民主義和種族主義的多重迫力下被限定和汙名化，其社會境遇一路荊棘，深受社會道德機制的譴責與排斥。然而，在當代香港的後殖民語境中，混血兒的境遇發生了戲劇性的變化。“混血兒作為“種族分類(racial category)已然消失，現在則普遍以一種美化的象徵性身份（emblematic identity）概念而存在。人們對混血兒的認識亦脫離了種族與階級背景，而更多地建立在一種文化想像上。它甚至成為了“國際化的代名詞和“優生的標準之一，被媒體審美刻板化及商品化。本文觀察了香港混血兒在殖民時期與後殖民時期中的境遇變遷，通過研究“混血兒概念的建立、消失、和回潮，剖析“種族（race）是如何在不同語境中被建構的，並試圖解構種族理論、種族主義的政治、社會與文化淵源。 / Within Hong Kong, the term “Eurasian once designated a stigmatized racial category, a group of “natural aberrations that were positioned in an embarrassing social niche within colonial society. As a consequence of this, Eurasians experienced severe racism and intense social pressures. In keeping pace with the end of colonialism and the rise of the new global capitalist order, the racial category of “Eurasian has been abandoned. However, somewhat surprisingly, the status of Eurasians in this day and age has been dramatically reversed. It now only exists as a descriptive term for a desirable physical type, which is assumed, to some extent, to be emblematic of “natural beauty. Being “Eurasian has now become a locally imagined “superior result of reproduction. By examining the creation, decline, and recent rebirth of the concept of “Eurasian, I hope to raise several important questions about race. Applying historical research to the construction of race requires analysis of how shifting political and social power dynamics have shaped the realization and so-called “authenticity of the “Eurasian category. At a broader level, this study seeks to add to the debate about how the idea of “race is constrained by political, social and cultural factors, and how people culturally imagine “the science of race in different social contexts. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Deng, Yuanye. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 216-227). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Acknowledgment --- p.vi / Figure Caption --- p.vii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Statement of the Problem and Scope of Research --- p.1 / Historical Background and Theoretical Context --- p.8 / Methodology --- p.26 / Chapter Overview --- p.30 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Eurasians in Early Colonial Hong Kong --- p.34 / Introduction --- p.35 / Stigmatization of Eurasians --- p.38 / Desiring to be Another: “Passing --- p.59 / Eurasians’ Roles in Colonial Hong Kong --- p.68 / Conclusion --- p.75 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Disappearance and the Return of “Eurasian --- p.80 / Introduction --- p.80 / Disappearance of “Eurasian in Post-colonial Hong Kong --- p.82 / The Return of “Eurasian --- p.96 / Conclusion --- p.106 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Eurasians in the Post-Colonial Period --- p.108 / Introduction --- p.108 / “Mixed Beauty: The Fantasized Idea of Eurasians --- p.111 / Approaching Eurasian Beauty --- p.132 / What Do Eurasians Think of the “Eurasian Look? --- p.142 / Conclusion --- p.147 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Contemporary Cultural Meaning of “Eurasian --- p.150 / Introduction --- p.150 / “Eurasian Beauty: A Locally Driven Aesthetic --- p.151 / The Cultural Meaning of “Eurasian Today --- p.161 / Living as a Eurasian in Contemporary Hong Kong --- p.167 / Conclusion --- p.184 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.188 / Racialized “Eurasian --- p.188 / Deconstructing the “Scientific Notion of Race --- p.204 / Bibliography --- p.216

This study suggests that the long-term results of ethnic consciousness is a political socialization. But, the political events (The Missile crisis in the Taiwan Strait and Chinese Communists intimidation) caused the Chinese identity declination. Even though it is hard to say totally verify the critical impact of ¡§political incidents,¡¨ this paper has analyzed and found that when Taiwan¡¦s ¡§Chinese identity¡¨ took an apparent drop. The high level of education of the people in the Chinese identity drop faster. The second generation and third generations down faster. At last, the disappearance of first generation Mainland provinces and cities people is not the main reason for the disappearance of Chinese identity. The second generation and third generations change their ¡§Chinese identity¡¨ to ¡§Both of Identity¡¨ and ¡§Taiwanese Identity ¡¨ in twenty years was the most important factor.

Why do some ethnic groups mobilize in violent ways whereas some others mobilize by using peaceful methods? And why do some ethnic groups seek integration while some others pursue separatist goals? This dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to answer these questions. It suggests that a state’s ethnic incorporation policies shape both why (centripetal or centrifugal aims) and how (peaceful or violent methods) ethnic groups mobilize. It argues that (1) consocitionalism recognizes ethnic groups and grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet limits individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels of political participation; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centrifugal ethnic mobilizations; (2) liberal multiculturalism recognizes ethnic groups, grants a degree of political autonomy to them, and allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centripetal mobilizations; (3) civic assimilationism neither recognizes ethnic groups nor grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and therefore it leads to peaceful and centripetal mobilizations of groups which lack pre-existing ethnic mobilization; but it leads to moderately violent and centrifugal mobilizations of groups which have strong pre-existing ethnic mobilizations; and (4) ethnocracies neither recognize ethnic groups nor grant a degree of political autonomy to them, and they also limit individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels. Therefore, they lead to centrifugal and violent ethnic mobilizations. The dissertation uses a mixed method research design. The hypotheses are tested based on the Minorities at Risk data as well as the case studies of ethnic Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus, and Kurds and the Roma in Turkey. The case studies benefit from an extensive field research in Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Turkey using original interviews with former and current guerillas, guerilla families, political activists, and politicians from each ethnic group under scrutiny and archival research on newspapers and legal documents. The findings indicate that politics of ethnic accommodation are not only an explanation for the causes of different ethnic mobilization patterns, but also a feasible remedy for ethnic disputes spanning all over the world. / text

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The situation on the Swedish labour market is different in opportunities whether you are a native Swede or someone who has a foreign background. People with foreign backgrounds tend to have lower wages, higher rate of unemployment and often have temporary employment contracts. There is a conception that the Swedish culture is the standard and other foreign cultures are abnormal and different. The purpose of this study has been to investigate why there is discrimination on the labour market against ethnic minorities and how the Swedish history has contributed to the structural ethnic discrimination that we are struggling with. I have been using the right dogmatic method and a social science perspective as complement in order to answer the purpose.   The legislation forbids ethnic discrimination, although the struggle is real and people get discriminated due to their ethnic heritage. Even though there are statistics and studies that confirm the ethnic discrimination on the labour market, the court cases are low and there has only been one conviction since 2002. There is a burden of proof that is controlled in the Swedish legislation, where the one who has been exposed of discrimination must proof that it is so. Then it is up to the defendant to prove the opposite. Because of this Arbetsdomstolen must take a stand whether which party is more reliable, based on both parties ability to persuade. Regarding the two cases known as the “racist cases”, Arbetsdomstolen put importance on the fact that the working atmosphere was harsh and the dialogues between the employees were tough. Even though it clearly was not considered as wanted by all, Arbetsdomstolen went with the majority and did not consider their behavior as discriminating. This could be an indicator on the fact that the structural discrimination against ethnic minorities and the idea of your own culture as the right one and the alienation against cultures that are “divergent” are deeply rooted even in authorities.   All people no matter where you come from should as the law regulates have the same opportunities and rights. I believe the problem is not with the law itself, but with the people and the structure in society. We have to change the way we alienate foreign cultures and undermine them, your ethnicity doesn’t decide your qualifications.

The present study aimed to: (1) examine whether experiencing ethnic harassment was related to violent behaviors among immigrant youths (2) identify the conditions that elevate ethnically harassed youth’s engagement in violent behaviors. Specifically, current study examined the moderating roles of youth’s ethnic identification, anger regulation, and impulsivity on the association between ethnic harassment and violent behaviors. Participants included 341 first- and second-generation immigrant youth (Mage= 14.11, SD =.93; 48 % girls) who were recruited from seven different schools in a mid-size Swedish city. Regression analyses was conducted to test whether ethnic harassment predicted violent behaviors over the course of one year after and whether youth’s ethnic identification, anger regulation and impulsive personality trait moderated the association between ethnic harassment and violent behaviors. Results showed that when immigrant youth were exposed to ethnic harassment, they were more likely to display violent behaviors one year later. In addition, the results suggested that immigrant youth who identified themselves with their heritage culture, i.e., high ethnic identification, were more at risk displaying violent behaviors in the case of ethnic harassment. Moreover, the results indicated that anger regulation and impulsive personality trait did not moderate the relationship between ethnic harassment and violence.