This thesis explores the emergence of indigeneity among a group of post-foragers living on the eastern coast of Sumatra. In the past, despite the lack of definite ethnic boundaries and the fluidity of their identity, they were known as Utan (‘Forest’) or Orang Utan (‘Forest People’). Since 2006, however, many Utan have adopted the new ethnonym of Suku Asli (‘Indigenous People’) and begun claiming their position within the Indonesian State as an integrated and distinctive ethnic group – a group, that is, associated with a unique ‘tradition’ (adat) and a particular ‘indigenous’ identity. As Suku Asli, they have been trying to integrate this identity and protect the ‘ancestral’ lands with which it is thought to be intimately associated. The emergence of this identity does not reflect only their own aspirations but, also, their entanglement with a number of government development programmes or interventions aiming to transform the lives of local ‘tribespeople’. Throughout these contexts, the most important change has been the development of their indigeneity – an indigeneity which, in the context of Indonesia, is ‘imagined’ and recognised in a very particular way by the State. It is on the basis of this indigeneity that the Suku Asli have begun to re-configure their traditional identity and their place within the Nation State. Focusing on some of its most important manifestations and embodiments, the thesis attempts to chart the emergence of this indigeneity and relate it to the entanglement of the people and the government. Treating indigeneity as a perspective that is created between the locals’ traditionally fluid identity and the government development programmes, I describe some of the ways in which ‘tribespeople’ come to embody, resist and transform the government image of ‘indigenous people’ and accomplish their ‘modernisation’ – a ‘modernisation’ demanding, first and foremost, a distinctive and well-bounded indigenous identity.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the perceived consequences of racism experiences on adult development and overall well-being of highly educated African American males. There were three objectives: to describe African American male responses to experienced racism in four social contexts: on the job, in academia, in the public realm, and statements in the media; to describe African American male social support networks for dealing with racism and to describe their level of satisfaction with those social support network; and to examine the relationship between racism experiences and other variables with two measures of psychological well-being, neuroticism and extraversion. The data used to address the study objectives were derived from a unique sample of responses to questionnaires submitted by 130 African American male college graduates. These men are very extraverted and score within average range on the neuroticism scales. The participants perceived frequent incidences of racism in all four social contexts: on the job, in academic settings, in the public realm, and racist statements in the media. At all developmental levels, the respondents' acknowledged that incidences of racism experiences had occurred in both the "previous year" and "throughout their lifetime. The African American men are acknowledging performing additional tasks during their development that was heretofore never mentioned in developmental theory. The African American male college graduates were very satisfied with the African American supporters European Americans who were a part of their social support network. Results of several regression analyses that entered all independent variables, found that only two variables showed a small but significant negative predictor value for neuroticism. Results of analyses that entered variables for predicting extraversion found that the total number of African American supporters was a small but positive predictor. These graduates provided evidence that they are constantly aware and vigilant about circumstances in American society. They experienced incidences of racism across social contexts and have devised ways to cope, yet they are always looking at themselves through the eyes of others and the negative influences of the ensuing feelings of isolation, hurt and frustration threaten to diminish their sense of well-being.

How do indigenous people perceive and practice eco-agriculture, especially when it was introduced as a development project? This thesis aims to delve into this question by focusing on a policy-induced agrarian transition for Pumi community in Sino-Myanmar borderlands. Using ethnographic methods, I intend to offer an intimate account of a provincial programme to facilitate eco-agriculture in this ethnic region. With the conceptual framework presented, the current research starts with the introduction of Pumi agricultural history and indigenous farming knowledge, with a focus on Pumi biocultural heritage. Then, I will examine how the process of ‘indigenisation of modernity’ (Sahlins 2000) has occurred against the backdrop of Pumi eco-agriculture programme. The insights will be distilled from three different aspects, which are agricultural land use, technical practices, and governance issues. For each aspect, I will scrutinise to what degree the government is following an industrial model to design the eco-agriculture agenda which corresponds to the ‘conventionalisation hypothesis’ of organic production (Buck 1997) and is thus in alignment with their long-term strategic goals to ‘modernise’ this borderland region through agricultural transformations, whereas the local Pumi farmers are actively coping with the government’s external interventions, meanwhile searching for the ‘alternative pathway’ towards agricultural modernisation. In the final chapter, I will interpret the motives of the both actors in the programme. For the government, the post-development theory will be employed to provide a critique of the ‘development discourse’ embedded in the agenda. For local farmers, the concept of ‘environmentality’ (Agrawal 2005) will be focused to interpret the Pumi farmers’ motives to indigenise, which ultimately questioning the transforming powers of modernity and globalisation on Pumi agrarian society. Basically, this thesis aims to trace the socio-political processes which drive the ‘agrarian transition’ in a Southeast Asian frontier, and further demonstrate how the resource abundance in the borderlands can underpin intense processes of commodification and dispossession (Nevins and Peluso 2008; Ishikawa 2010; see also Milne and Mahanty, 2015), the implications of which crystallised in an ethnographic context. To a larger extent, this research aims to shed lights on the interactions between social structure and individual agency ― although the Pumi farmers are struggling to survive with the adaptation to modern inputs, they are still marginalised by the structured inequality of the market economy, which limited the farmers’ opportunities to improve their own livelihoods. Furthermore, this research also has significant policy implications as it addresses the issues such as agricultural policy and ethnic relations in the borderland regions. By reflecting upon the overlapping implications of highland livelihoods, agencies, and the transforming powers of social change, the current study aims to build a locally rooted understanding of Pumi eco-agriculture programme, and provide lessons for sustainable planning and future policy-making for rural development in developing countries such as China.