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Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka förhållandet mellan gällande EU-rätt och idrottens egna regler. Framförallt avser jag att utreda gränsdragningen dem emellan; i vilka fall och under vilka förutsättningar tillåter EU-rätten regler som utfärdats av idrottsorgan, trots att de kan anses utgöra hinder mot reglerna om den fria rörligheten? Kan en regel utfärdad av ett idrottsorgan angripas utifrån andra regler, som dem om konkurrens? För att utreda detta kommer jag också försöka besvara följande frågor:Strider reglerna om ett bestämt antal lokalt fostrade spelare mot EU-rättens regler om fri rörlighet och konkurrens?Strider de av FIFA antagna 6+5-reglerna mot EU-rättens regler om fri rörlighet och konkurrens?

Under de senare åren har media visat på en stor konflikt mellan elektronikjättarna Apple och Samsung gällande olika immateriella rättigheter avseende så kallade smartphones och läsplattor. Ett av dessa immatrialrättsliga områden är designskydd. Frågan om hur och i vilken omfattning dessa produkter skyddas är därför aktuellt och det uppsatsen behandlar. Design skyddas i Sverige normalt genom Mönsterskyddslagen, men även Upphovsrättslagen kan tänkas skydda ett bruksföremåls utseende, som till exempel mobiltelefoner och läsplattor. Vid sidan av den svenska lagstiftningen finns även ett EU-rättsligt skydd från Mönsterskyddsförordningen. Upphovsrättslagen kan eventuellt tänkas ge skydd åt mobiltelefoners och läsplattors utseende, men rättsläget är osäkert. Det är något som författaren kritiserar då detta inkräktar på området för det normala skyddet för designskydd. Både den svenska mönsterskyddsrätten och det EU-rättsliga skydd som finns kan skydda mobiltelefoner och läsplattor. Skyddsomfånget är dock troligen inte större än att rent praktiskt skyddas produkterna endast mot rena efterbildningar.

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In an effort to strengthen democracy in the union, the EU in 2005 took a new approach to communications policy to reach out to the citizens. The strategic document "Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate" was accompanied by two other documents, and the three of them were the core of this policy. Both democracy and communications work means at EU level a higher complexity than in the nation-state arena. Objective of this study is to examine how the implementation of Plan D has turned out in a democracy renewal perspective. To achieve that answers are sought to questions concerning the goals of Plan D, how they are still present today, what happened in practice regarding the efforts that are highlighted, and how the substance of the activities can be judged from a democratic theory perspective. Implementation theory, communication theory and democratic theory are central elements in answering these questions. The study is divided into three analytical levels: European, national, regional and local level. The method used is thoroughly qualitative text analysis. At regional and local level, a comparative case study concentrates in two organizations involved in the implementation work. The empirical material used consists of documents related to Plan D, and partly the result of interviews with officials who work practically with communication. The study shows that the focus of communications work is not on citizen participation in decision-making, much of the work is all about information and that it is characterized with a classic view of communication. Given that it is considered that the studied implementation of Plan D is not about a European civil dialogue where participation in the decision making is a central part.

Abstract The study examines the European Union coverage in a Swedish and a Romanian newspaper during three different weeks. The aim is to answer the question of how the different countries portray EU and what quality there is on the information the readers or users receive from the papers. How the media portrays the European Union is an important topic to study when it comes to democracy. The European Union makes a lot of national decisions and controls a lot of our daily politics so it is important that the people get relevant and good information. Sweden joined the European Union in 1995 after a referendum where only 52, 3 percent of the Swedish population wanted to join and then only if the European Union acknowledged Sweden’s wish to remain neutral. Romania’s on the other hand joined the European Union in 2007 after long negotiations. The country had to improve a lot of social and economical problems before they were aloud to join. When they finally did join the European Union together with Bulgaria they did so under the strict conditions that they would fight the corruption and other problems harder. The theories we used was: normative theory, media effect theories, framing, medialogic, gatekeeping and europeaness. The previous studies we were inspired by was Vanni Tjenströms “Europa Norrifrån” (2001), Ulf Wallin´s “ Vad vi fick veta” (1994) and Göran Palm´s “I marknadens och nationens namn” (2002). With this study we could discover that the Swedes view the European Union mostly like a profit organization and the economical part of the membership was very important. The view the Swedes had of themselves was a very positive one. They thought that their living standards were much better than that of other citizens in other countries in the EU. The Romanian people see the union more like a hope for the future but they see themselves as failures.

Abstract We apply PSM(projected shell model) to superdeformed phenomena in the Eu isotopes, 143Eu ~ 147Eu odd mass included. In calculating kinetic moment of inertia J(1) and dynamic moment of inertia J(2), comparing with experimental values, we realize the basic property and structure of the nuclear. As a result, we find that the uncertain spin I in 143Eu shifts several . Therefore, the experimental values quite correspond to the theoretical values. In theory, we find there are different superdeformed phenomena in 147Eu.

<p>The inner market of the European Community is developing and as a part of this company law and the freedom of establishment are doing the same. Some of this development is carried out through case law from the European Court of Justice as well as through Community harmonisations. As this has happened some worried voices has been raised arguing that a development similar to that in the USA, known as the Delaware effect, might occur. There has been some development indicating such development; companies have made use of the freedom of establishment to seek a more favorable legislation and Member States have changed and adapted their legislations. An example is the lowering of the minimum paid-up capital for limited liability companies that has oc-curred.</p><p>In this paper the Delaware effect is investigated in order to clarify what it is and how it has developed. This knowledge is vital to be able to se if a Delaware effect might be developing within the European Community. There has been a large discussion on the Delaware effect in the USA and it is evident from that discussion that there are scholars arguing in several directions and that it is in-conclusive whether or not the Delaware effect is detrimental to shareholders, companies and others.</p><p>In this paper it is argued that, as it is questionable what the Delaware effect en-tails in the USA it is even more questionable to talk about a Delaware effect within the European Community. The Member States are to some extent re-stricted, due to Community harmonisations, as to what they can do in order to compete for incorporations. Companies are also hampered in their attempts to make use of the freedom of establishment, especially companies already incor-porated in a MS. It is also argued that there is a lack of incentives and possibili-ties for both Member States and companies to facilitate a competition for company law.</p><p>Adding these components together, the preconditions within the European Community are not suitable for a Delaware effect or a European Community Delaware to emerge. The continued development of the freedom of establish-ment along with the companies increased understanding of its benefits might create incentives to seek more favorable legislations, but it is highly unlikely that a Member State will emerge to be as successful as Delaware.</p>

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