The legal framework for genetically modified crops in Europe is based on the precautionary principle, differing fundamentally from the US system. Where the EU created a complex set of strict rules for dealing with genetically modified crops, the United States continue to view GM crops to be just as safe as conventional crops. This philosophical difference led to one of the most complicated disputes in front of the World Trade Organization. It turned to be ineffective, however, to pressure the EU through the World Trade Organization's dispute settlement. However, it is the current internal conflict between EU member states and the European Commission regarding the authorization procedure for GM crops and the economic ramifications of the zero tolerance policy of unapproved crops on the European livestock industry that might finally bring about change in the European framework.

The institutional relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) is ostensibly predicated on shared values and interests. In the area of European security, this relationship has been observed to be both cooperative and competitive; both ineffectual and progressive. In practice, there are numerous accounts of the competitive gridlock at the bureaucratic level and member state in-fighting that counteracts any tactical progress. This analysis examines the relationship between NATO and the EU and the conditions under which they cooperate effectively, or devolve into open competition. Through the lens of three demanding humanitarian crises, this analysis argues that the keys to effective cooperation are institutional autonomy over security and defense measures, and clear positioning of their role in institutional interactions. The first formative interaction between the EU (WEU) and NATO in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1993-1995, 2004) established that Europe required a security infrastructure separate from the NATO's existing military behemoth. It also crucially revealed that international recognition and legitimacy plays a significant role in the behavior and formation of these institutional identities. Months later, the open rivalry between NATO and the EU...

The pivotal argument of this thesis is that, due to specific circumstances, Kosovo operates as an EU protectorate. Firstly, the political status of Kosovo deeply divides the UN members, including the major powers, which makes unilateral decisions ineffective. This implies that neither side can achieve maximalist demands, and thus further negotiations are required. Secondly, both representatives of Kosovo and Serbia expressed hope that their future is in the EU. Both sides are ready to compromise their legal and/or political status and welcome a solution under the formula: Kosovo to be independent of Serbia even if it means that Kosovo is not a sovereign state; and, Serbia not to recognise Kosovo, even if it means that Serbia loses authority over the region. Thirdly, the great powers, led by the USA and Russia, decided that the conflict and the political status of Kosovo should be facilitated by the EU. This decision, accompanied by the ICJ decision that Kosovo's solution should be sought through the EU political channels, gives the EU role of a moral agent. Finally, while the EU protects Kosovo in international affairs, it also requires from Serbia to recognise Kosovo's institutions and local autonomy.

With the rise of the right- and left-wing populism growing in Europe, it is important for political scientists to look into this trend and what might be causing it. Studying the rise of Populism throughout Europe is important because of its potential threats to democracy. In this research, I examine one trend that may attribute to this growth of these political parties. In my research, I examine whether Eurosceptic ideas on social media are correlated to electoral success in European Parliament elections. Many populist party leaders have turned to social media to reach out and to gain followers. Social media has been a great platform for misperception and false news. Social media is also relatively easy to use and is used by many to obtain political information. For this research, I analyze the Twitter accounts of right-winged populist political actors in Germany, Italy, and Hungary during the two years before the 2019 EU Parliament elections. The four leaders looked into were Alice Weidel for the Alternative for Germany, Matteo Salvini for Lega in Italy, Gabor Vona, and Tamas Sneider for Jobbik in Hungary. There are two leaders from Hungary due to the switch in power during the two years. By doing content analysis in this analytical paper and looking into the reactions of followers on these actor’s social media pages, there will be a better understanding of how social media can help spread the growth of Eurosceptic attitudes in citizens in the EU. The anticipated results from this research are that as time progresses towards EP elections, populist actors will increase their social media usage with a stronger emphasis on Eurosceptic ideologies in their posts. With an increase in postings and rhetoric, it is expected that citizens in the EU will be adopting similar views with these leaders and will then vote for these populist parties into the European Parliament. This research is important in helping the EU and its leaders obtain a better understanding of the growth and progression of populism in relation to Euroscepticism and its role in social media. Having a better understanding of the concept, it can aid in slowing the progression of populism and Euroscepticism, the one thing that is undermining its institutions.

Accession negotiations to the EU since 2004 brought significant changes to European enlargement customary law and exacerbated the reliance of the Commission on conditionality to impose its leverage on present and prospective member states. The subsequent development of European norms in the pre-accession phase was transposed onto current member states and led to the edification of a Normative Empire. This research reformulated the concept of Normative Empire while resting on factual and contemporary evidence. It investigated why the increasingly significant role in conditionality of the principle of independence of the judiciary contributed to the metamorphosis of the EU into a Normative Empire. The argumentation of this research rested on the study of Bulgaria, Croatia and Romania. In addition to their geographical kinship, these three cases share issues of rampant corruption, notably in the political and judicial structures, which remain the main obstacles to their accession or full membership. The analysis of the Commission's influence in judicial reforms during the pre and post-accession phases was supported by a thorough study of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism and the progress reports from 2004 till present. In conclusion, the Commission's post-accession monitoring in Bulgaria and...

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Economic growth and immigration are important issues to individuals and governments alike. This paper looks at previous research on the topic of how migration affects growth and finds that most research finds that immigrants increase growth in at least the long run. First global or widely applicable research is discussed, then the paper focuses on the European Union as its data availability and uniform open migration policy lend it to a panel regression analysis. Three models are estimated using World Bank World Development Indicators data from 1990 to 2009 for all 28 current EU member states. The models are largely inconclusive, with the only significant result for the relationship between the stock of international immigrants and real GDP per capita growth being negative and coming from Model 1. However, in Model 1 domestic investment was also significant with a negative impact on real GDP per capita. With no clear answer to the question of how immigration affects growth, the clash between the EU governing body which uses open migration policy to promote growth and anti-immigration political parties in EU member states that see immigration as harming native citizens’ job prospects seems likely to continue.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This dissertation examines the profound transformations in post-1989 Europe by comparing and contrasting the unification of Germany and the European Union's (EU) eastern enlargement to the Czech Republic as two integration processes during which (post)-communist states were incorporated into Western-style democratic political structures. The main research questions are how and by what means a post-communist state can be transformed through political integration and how the (post)-communist state can influence this process of political integration. The research is thus two-directional: it examines both the 'downloading' side of the process, in which the 'accepting' unit imposes its structures (political institutions, legal order, economic system) on the 'entering' unit, and the 'uploading'/impact side, in which the entering unit changes under pressure from the accepting unit while influencing the transformation process. The dissertation develops two models of political integration, Transplantation and Adaptation. Both possess a wider applicability than the two cases studied. Transplantation involves an immediate integration with a strong leader, no preconditions and no preceding reforms on either part. Rather a simple transfer principle occurs. Adaptation, in contrast, entails a gradual, long-term integration with bureaucratic oversight and the use of 'political conditionality' until the candidate states reach an acceptable political and economic level vis-a-vis the accepting unit. Speed and the impact of the local actors are the key factors distinguishing the two models of political integration. An interdisciplinary methodology is employed which blends the traditions of political science and political sociology. At the center of the research is an extensive series of 90 semi-structured interviews conducted in German, Czech, and English with key political actors that offer new perspectives on the dynamics of the processes of unification and enlargement. The dissertation examines in detail the negotiation processes that led to German unification (Transplantation) and, using the case of the Czech Republic, the eastern enlargement of the EU (Adaptation). It concludes by drawing several general lessons. / 2031-01-01

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