« Ici, c’est l’école de la chefferie. Les enseignants sont nommés avec le consentement de la tribu et de la chefferie. Ici, il y a le grand chef, le petit-chef et le pasteur et après l’administration […]. L’école, elle appartient au gavaman (gouverneur). C’est comme ça depuis. Tout ça c’est du domaine du Ledran (espace public). Cependant tout cela est posé sur nos terres ». L’intervention du dignitaire de la tribu de Padawa sur l’île de Maré en Nouvelle-Calédonie, le lundi 3 mars 1983 posait les éléments déclencheurs de réflexion sur l’agencement spatial de l’école en tribu kanak. L’expression utilisée par ce dignitaire clanique, « cela est posé sur nos terres », même si elle nous rend perplexe quant à la situation spatiale de l’école, elle nous offre cependant l’opportunité d’une approche socio anthropologique et un angle d’étude des rapports politiques progressifs liés à l’histoire d’insertion et d’intégration des groupes et des objets dans l’espace autochtone. La préposition « sur » implique la position de ce qui est en surface, de ce qui relève des autorités passagères, opposé à l’interne, « sous », qu’est l’espace foncier coutumier, espace d’enracinement. La dichotomie « sur » et « sous » comme concepts spatiaux renvoie aux formules d’accueilli et d’accueillant, entendues comme représentation d’ordre d’arrivée dans l’espace socialisé, la tribu. Cet ordre d’occupation devient un argument fort de la revendication de légitimité entre autochtones eux-mêmes puis entre autochtones et les autres groupes de population. Les microespaces vitaux sont gérés en fonction de l’ordre d’intégration et de localisation des groupes ou des objets du collectif. Cette distinction d’occupation spatiale peut alors élucider la localisation paradoxale de l’école à l’exemple de celle de la tribu de Padawa, qui seule, ressemblant à un poste de garde-frontières aux confins de la tribu. Rien n’est moins simple dans le milieu kanak où l’espace et sa gestion ne sont nullement des objets éphémères voire même évanescents. Orientée selon la méthode dite qualitative à travers la discursivité sociale, notre réflexion sur la place de l’école en milieu kanak, non seulement scruterait la raison intentionnelle autochtone à vouloir positionner paradoxalement l’infrastructure mais aussi selon la confrontation de deux espaces, -Esotérique et Exotérique-, comment Savoir autochtone, Savoir de l’école, Prestige et Pouvoir insulaire seraient mis en compétition selon des pratiques claires-obscures de stratégies d’anthropologisation politique des espaces, relevant d’aspects combinatoires. Le souci de recherche d’équilibre dynamique, suite à l’intégration de l’espace scolaire, conduirait par reformulation et réarrangement permanent à l’émergence au sens barycentrique d’un espace construit et attendu implicitement par les Accords, espace moderne que nous aimerions nommer, Espace Public Pays, nouvel espace dialogique où viennent se confronter divers discours et textes culturels complexes. En outre, notre analyse permettrait de reconsidérer ces espaces complexes identitaires indigènes au moment où, dans le contexte expéditif « déséquilibrant », l’autochtone risquerait son extradition dans un monde de formatage asphyxiant, dans lequel tout serait prétexte à ravaler ce reste identitaire, comme forme de déshumanisation en le dépossédant de la faculté à… et de … penser le monde, comme activité humaine noble. Ne serait-ce pas là notre défi ? / "Here is the school of leadership. Teachers are appointed with the consent of the tribe and chiefdom. Here, there is a great leader, the small head and the pastor and after administration [...]. The school, it belongs to gavaman (Governor). This has been going. It's all in the domain of Ledran (public space). But all this rests on our land. " The response of the dignitary of the tribe of Padawa on Maré Island in New Caledonia, Monday, March 3, 1983 raised the triggers for reflection on the spatial arrangement of the school Kanak tribe. The expression used by the dignitary clannish, "it sits on our land," even if it makes us confused about the spatial location of the school, however it gives us the opportunity of a social anthropological approach and an angle review reports progressive policy related to the history of inclusion and integration of groups and Aboriginal objects in space. The preposition "on" position involves what is on the surface of what is under the authority transient, as opposed to internally; "under" customary land is space, space for rooting. The dichotomy between "on" and "below" refers to spatial concepts such as greeting and welcoming, understood as a representation of order of arrival in the socialized space, the tribe. This order of occupation becomes a strong argument for the claim to legitimacy among Aboriginal people themselves and between indigenous and others. The vital microespaces are managed according to the order of integration and localization of objects or groups of the collective. This distinction occupying space can then elucidate the paradoxical location of the school to the example of one of the tribe of Padawa, which alone, like a border guard post on the borders of the tribe. Nothing is less straightforward in the Kanak community where space and its management are not ephemera even evanescent. Based on the qualitative method through social discursively, our thoughts on the place of the school in kanak tribes not only probes into the indigenous intention to paradoxically posit the infrastructure but also, because it opposes two different kinds of space - esoteric and exoteric, into the way indigenous knowledge, scholar knowledge and island knowledge may come into competition in not so clear strategies of the political anthropologization of space, generated by a combination of perspectives. The sake of research of dynamic equilibrium, following the integration of school space by rewording and rearrangement lead to the emergence Standing under barycentric space built and implicitly expected by the Agreements, modern space that we would like appoint, Public Space of the country, where new space is dialogic discourse to confront various cultural texts and complex. In addition, our analysis would reconsider these complex spaces indigenous identity when, in the context of parole "unbalancing" the native risk his extradition in a suffocating world of formatting, in which everything is a pretext to swallow what is identity, as form of dehumanization by dispossessing the ability to think ... ... and the world as noble human activity. Would not that our challenge?

The aim of the thesis is to classify the form of political leadership and domination in Shia islam's political ideology, their development and ability to succeed in political reality. I especially focus on the Shia understanding of political power and its connection to infallible Imam as secular and religious leader of the Shia community. For analysis of the concepts I use the description of early Islam, including the Shia reasons for the dissolution of Muslim ummah, as well as the reasons that led to the multiple division of Shiism. I analyse specific examples of ideological break up of the Shia community (Ithnasharia, Isma'ila, Hashashins, Alawi, Duryz and modern Islamic Republic of Iran) and finally cardinal reformulation of understanding of political leadership and domination by Ayatollah Khomeini. His concept Wilājat al-faqīh (Guardianship of the jurist) started the era of radical transformation of the Shia political ideology, although he wanted only to modernize it and not to establish a brand new set up. My aspiration is therefore to analyze whether Wilājat al-faqīh can still be seen as the return to the roots of traditional Shiism or if it has a new quality without connection to previous Shia history.

本文以11、12世紀伊斯蘭蘇非大師Ghazzali的靈與心之救贖作為宗教心理學理論探討的典範，主要著眼於他個人在宗教心理的意義中，以虔誠和謙卑體現信仰實踐的重大轉變，除了其本身擁有豐富的知識和深刻的思想，更重要的是，他履行蘇非之道，徹底改變信仰態度，真正捨離世俗，最終獲得靈與心的救贖。在分析和詮釋的理論依據上，本文採用荷蘭宗教心理學家Han F.de Wit結合自己的心理學素養與靈修經驗，在20世紀晚期發展出的一套理論，稱為「靈思心理學」（Contemplative Psychology）。在這套理論中，de Wit呈現宗教的冥思傳統(contemplative tradition)與個人的心理洞見、信念之間的連結，經驗和思想可以相互為用。在他所提出的觀點之中，本文透過如下幾個主張，包括皈依、關鍵時刻、斷裂、危機、懷疑、改變、與捨離，說明Ghazzali如何成就伊斯蘭密契傳統的最高典範，同時也突顯靈思心理學試圖闡釋人類靈與心互相超越，同獲救贖的理想。 / The thesis regarded Ghazzali, the outstanding thinker and great Sufi of Islamic world in the 11th and 12th centuries, as a perfect example, who embodied an inward transformation of religious action with piety and humility. Other than his profound knowledge and thoughts, Ghazzali is also an authority on theology and law of Islam, and furthermore he performed a Muslim’s devotion by proceeding on the path of Sufi. He gave up all his possessions, followed the instructions of Sufism to survive a serious crisis of spirit, and obtained the ultimate salvation of his soul and heart in the end. The theory used in this thesis to analyze and interpret Ghazzali’s spiritual experience is the “contemplative psychology” of Han F.de Wit, who is a religious psychologist of the Netherlands. De Wit spent more than ten years combining his psychological training and spiritual experience to develop the theory in late twentieth century. In this theory he presented the connection between contemplative traditions of many religions and the insights & beliefs within individual mind. Among those concepts stated by de Wit in his theory, the thesis used mainly several of them, such as conversion, moments, break, crisis, doubt, change, and renunciation, etc. Accordingly, Ghazzali could be the most perfect example of the contemplative psychology, when we refer to salvation of both human Soul and Heart.