This Thesis examines the ideology, politics and organization of the Australian Extreme Right 1975-1995. Its central interpretative theme is the response of the Extreme Right to the development of the Australian State from a conservative Imperial structure into an American "anti-communist" client state, and ultimately into a liberal-internationalist machine which integrated Australia into a globalized capitalist order. The Extreme Right after 1975 differed from the various paramilitaries of the 1930's and the conservative anti-communist auxiliary organizations of the 1945-75 period. Post 1975, it lost its preoccupation with fighting the Left, and progressively grew as a challenger to liberal-internationalism. The abandonment of "White Australia" and consequent non-European immigration were the formative catalysts of a more diverse and complex Extreme Right. The Thesis uses a working definition of generic fascism as "palingenetic populist ultra-nationalism", to measure the degree of ideological and political radicalization achieved by the Extreme Right. This family of political ideas, independent of the State and mobilized beyond the limits of the former-period auxiliary conservatives, expressed itself in an array of organizational forms. The complexity of the Extreme Right can be demonstrated by using four typologies: Radical Nationalism, Neo-Nazism, Populist-Monarchism and Radical-Populism, each with specific points to make about social clienteles, geographical distribution, particular ideological heritages, and varied strategies and tactics. The Extreme Right could mobilize from different points of opportunity if political space became available. Inevitably a mutual delegitimization process between State and Extreme Right led to public inquiries and the emplacement of agencies and legislation to restrict the new radicalism. This was understandable since some Extreme Right groups employed violence or appeared to perform actions preparatory thereto. It also led to show-trials and para-State crime targeted against particular groups especially in the period 1988-91. Thereafter, Extreme Right organizations pursued strategies which led to electoral breakthroughs, both rural and urban as a style of Right-wing populist politics unfolded in the 1990's. It was in this period that the Extreme Right encouraged the co-optation by the State of the residual Left in the anti-racist fight. This seemed natural, as the Extreme Right's vocal references to popular democracy, national independence and the nativist heritage, had permitted it to occupy the Old Left's traditional ground. In that way too, it was "The Other Radicalism".

In the years immediately following the 1990 reunification of Germany, an increase in anti-foreigner violence threatened the stability of reunification efforts and exacerbated tensions between the East and the West. This paper is concerned with analyzing the underlying causes of the increase in anti-foreigner violence in Germany in the 1990s by evaluating first the period of reunification and the corresponding rise in support for extreme right groups in the former-East Germany. In addition, the history of violence and anti-foreigner sentiment in both East and West Germany are analyzed in conjunction with tensions caused by reunification to ascertain the origins of the post-reunification rise in xenophobic violence. Through this analysis, I show that violence in Germany in the early-1990s cannot be connected to the National Socialist past but rather, that both increases in anti-foreigner sentiment and corresponding violence result from a history in East and West Germany of ethnocentrism and social-exclusion policies directed at foreigners. Finally, this paper focuses on evaluating whether the post-reunification rise of violence in Germany is a unique event or whether it can be better understood as a wider European phenomenon. / text

This thesis analyses ideas of gender in the Swedish radical right. The aim of the study is to see if there are any differences or similarities in the way gender is being formulated by a populist radical right party as the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna), the extreme right party, Party of the Swedes (Svenskarnas Parti) and the extreme right movement Swedish Resistance Movement (Svenska Motståndsrörelsen). Ideas of gender are presented in the theory chapter which is used later on in the analysis to compare with the radical right organisations of Sweden. To fulfil the aim we have performed a comparative ideological analysis between the three organisations and the base for our analysis is texts from each organisation’s webpage. The study shows that the ideological differences concerning gender between populism and extremism in the Swedish radical right are relatively small

This Thesis examines the ideology, politics and organization of the Australian Extreme Right 1975-1995. Its central interpretative theme is the response of the Extreme Right to the development of the Australian State from a conservative Imperial structure into an American "anti-communist" client state, and ultimately into a liberal-internationalist machine which integrated Australia into a globalized capitalist order. The Extreme Right after 1975 differed from the various paramilitaries of the 1930's and the conservative anti-communist auxiliary organizations of the 1945-75 period. Post 1975, it lost its preoccupation with fighting the Left, and progressively grew as a challenger to liberal-internationalism. The abandonment of "White Australia" and consequent non-European immigration were the formative catalysts of a more diverse and complex Extreme Right. The Thesis uses a working definition of generic fascism as "palingenetic populist ultra-nationalism", to measure the degree of ideological and political radicalization achieved by the Extreme Right. This family of political ideas, independent of the State and mobilized beyond the limits of the former-period auxiliary conservatives, expressed itself in an array of organizational forms. The complexity of the Extreme Right can be demonstrated by using four typologies: Radical Nationalism, Neo-Nazism, Populist-Monarchism and Radical-Populism, each with specific points to make about social clienteles, geographical distribution, particular ideological heritages, and varied strategies and tactics. The Extreme Right could mobilize from different points of opportunity if political space became available. Inevitably a mutual delegitimization process between State and Extreme Right led to public inquiries and the emplacement of agencies and legislation to restrict the new radicalism. This was understandable since some Extreme Right groups employed violence or appeared to perform actions preparatory thereto. It also led to show-trials and para-State crime targeted against particular groups especially in the period 1988-91. Thereafter, Extreme Right organizations pursued strategies which led to electoral breakthroughs, both rural and urban as a style of Right-wing populist politics unfolded in the 1990's. It was in this period that the Extreme Right encouraged the co-optation by the State of the residual Left in the anti-racist fight. This seemed natural, as the Extreme Right's vocal references to popular democracy, national independence and the nativist heritage, had permitted it to occupy the Old Left's traditional ground. In that way too, it was "The Other Radicalism".

The research question addressed by this study is: what is the relationship between Europeanization and the rise of extremist parties? In particular I examine the impact of Europeanization on the rise of extreme right parties in Europe from 1984 to 2006. Europeanization in this paper is defined as a process whereby the transformation of governance at the European level and European integration as a whole has caused distinctive changes in domestic politics. This process of Europeanization is one part of a structure of opportunities for extremist parties (which also include social, economic, and electoral factors). Although this study finds that Europeanization does not have a statistically significant effect it is still an important factor when examining domestic political phenomenon in Europe.

Master thesis "The comparison of political and cultural activities of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany during 90's in the 20th century" is firstly defining the terms related to study of the extreme right. Secondly, the thesis is analyzing success of German and Czech extreme right wing parties in the elections, then establishing and forms of membership in the extreme right organizations, making demonstrations, protest events and violent acts with extreme right context which are organized by supporters of the extreme right thoughts. Thirdly, the thesis is focusing on cultural activities, such as live music events with extreme right music artists, with outlining the lyrics of these Czech and German artists. Finally, comparative analysis is describing the form and frequency of all political and cultural activities. Conclusion of the thesis is that forms of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany in the 90's were very similar, however in Germany these activities were more regular and more brutal. KEYWORDS Extreme right wing, ultra - right, neo - Nazism, extreme right wing parties, extreme right organizations, skinheads.

Extreme right-wing political parties and movements are growing in number and size all over Europe and in their tail, an increased political focus on immigration and its pros and cons. Sweden is no exception to the European trend and the Swedish extreme right-wing political party, Sverigedemokraterna, became the third largest political party in the latest elections for the Swedish parliament in 2014. The objective of this study is to contribute to the current debate on rising right-wing party affiliation through an analysis of the reasons for extreme right-wing voting behavior of immigrants in Sweden. Through a case-study based on six in-depth interviews with immigrants voting for Sverigedemokraterna, the study looks into issues regarding social group identification as the issue of identification with or repudiation of the ‘outgroup’ appears, from previously conducted research, to be a key issue. An analysis of policy documents of Sverigedemokraterna, previously conducted research and finally an interview conducted by a Swedish anti-racist organization is also included in the case-study. The study shows that the reasons behind immigrant extreme right-wing voting behavior present substantial similarities with other highly represented groups of extreme right-wing voters in that voting is, in line with Realistic Conflict Theory, encouraged by a perceived socio-economic threat emanating from an identified ‘outgroup’. Further, the study validates the assumption of ‘in-’ and ‘outgroup’ identification as being a key issue in determining motives behind extreme right-wing voting. The key explanatory factor of the voting behavior of the studied group indeed shows to be the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’. Finally, the study shows that the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’, removes the theoretical base for assuming that immigrants should be expected to show favorable attitudes towards the group of immigrants in general.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2016-10-18T19:08:05Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) TESE JAMERSON.pdf: 1848784 bytes, checksum: d02f0ff1d49ad629769324ad482e5236 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T19:08:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) TESE JAMERSON.pdf: 1848784 bytes, checksum: d02f0ff1d49ad629769324ad482e5236 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-12 / CNPQ / A presente tese de doutorado aborda o conservadorismo como tradição de pensamento e ação fundada na modernidade. O objetivo da tese consiste em apresentar o conservadorismo como ideologia da crise, expondo suas bases históricas fundantes, a ampliação por que passa no decorrer do século XX e como algumas de suas características centrais se expressam no cenário ideológico e político brasileiro nos anos 2010. A tese foi construída com base na revisão bibliográfica e no método crítico-dialético. Aborda-se a ontologia do ser social, em suas principais categorias, para subsidiar a crítica ao conservadorismo. Procuramos expor a gênese e a consolidação do modo de produção capitalista como fundamento sobre o qual se elevam as ideologias conservadoras em geral e o conservadorismo em particular. O pensamento de Edmund Burke é debatido na qualidade de fundante da tradição conservadora. Convergências entre a ideologia do conservadorismo e as formas políticas bonapartistas são expostos como constitutivas de uma das tendências ideológicas do conservadorismo. São abordadas as vertentes conservadoras norte-americana e inglesa, as mais influentes no Brasil. Debatemos o "conservadorismo à brasileira" como expressão particular e nacional dessa ideologia, apresentando os momentos de incorporação, mutação e diferenças específicas em relação ao conservadorismo clássico, europeu e norte-americano. Recuperamos o debate sobre a estrutura sincrética do Serviço Social, por entender que o sincretismo e o ecletismo são os atuais condutores específicos da reprodução do conservadorismo no Serviço Social, uma vez que os resultados de ambos contribuem, contraditoriamente, para a apologia direta ou indireta do capitalismo. Movimentos políticos de extrema-direita, no mundo e no Brasil, são discutidos na qualidade de portadores materiais das tendências ideológicas do conservadorismo na contemporaneidade. / This doctoral thesis deals with conservatism as a tradition of thought and action based on modernity. The aim of the thesis is to present conservatism as an ideology of the crisis, exposing its founding historical basis, the expansion by passing during the twentieth century and how some of its central features are expressed in the ideological scene and Brazilian politician in the years 2010. The thesis was built on the literature review and critical-dialectical method. It deals with the ontology of social being in its main categories, to support the critique of conservatism. We seek to expose the genesis and consolidation of the capitalist mode of production as the foundation on which rise conservative ideologies in general and the particular conservatism. The thought of Edmund Burke is debated as founding the conservative tradition. Convergences between the ideology of conservatism and the Bonapartist political forms are exposed as constituting one of the ideological tendencies of conservatism. The US and British conservative aspects are addressed, the most influential in Brazil. We discussed the "conservatism of Brazilian" as private and national expression of this ideology, with moments of incorporation, mutation and specific differences from the classical, European and American conservatism. We recovered the debate on the syncretic structure of Social Work, understanding that syncretism and eclecticism are the current specific drivers reproduction of conservatism in social work, since the results of both contribute, contradictorily, to the direct or indirect apology for capitalism. Political movements of the extreme right in the world and in Brazil, are discussed as material carriers of ideological trends in contemporary conservatism.

This thesis focuses on the analysis of initiative D.O.S.T., currently one of the most important Czech extreme-right groups. D.O.S.T. comes with a radically conservative critique of current concepts and direction of democracy, yet she managed to reach support among political parties accepted as legitimate and also influential public figures. The work is based on the assumption, that the main reason for this is that the initiative despite being extremely right-wing organization, highlights also real deficits of democracy. Therefore it can be seen as a challenge of present. The aim of this paper is to analyze critically this challenge by mentionning the initiative in all relevant contexts. The paper therefore deals firstly with the intellectual and political roots of its founders in the extreme right-organization called Právo a Spravedlnost. After it analyzes the initiative itself, its manifesto, activities, the main problematised issues and linkages with other political forces. In conclusion, the papers considers the perspective of eventual genesis of a new political party established by the initiative D.O.S.T.

Radical nationalist groups are growing in Sweden as well as in the rest of the world due to contemporary political, cultural and social rationale, where the internet is used as a catalyzer and tool to organize and spread their ideologies. Simultaneously, the structures and the system that hold journalism seem to be altering at a similar speed. The journalistic reporting on radical nationalist groups has, for this reason, become increasingly difficult. The alt-right, a radical nationalist group in the US expanded much because of the oxygen that American journalists added in an attempt to raise awareness of the danger or the highly problematic opinions that these groups sometimes stand for (Faris et.al 2018). A similar trend in Sweden is not yet visible but the lack of an ethical code of conduct when reporting on radical nationalist groups speaks for unpreparedness. This study aims to understand the ethical approach of Swedish journalists when reporting on radical nationalist groups through the interviews of 8 journalists. ¨´The theoretical approach is based on the structures that affect ethical decision-making along the hierarchy of influence model, by Shoemaker and Reese (1996) as well as journalists’ positioning of ideology and relativism, an ethical concept developed by Plaisance (2005). Based on the interview data collected for this study, some of the journalists in Sweden claim to be consequence neutral, thus it can be assumed that the responsibility of providing accumulated attention to radical nationalist groups which contribute to their expansion is not taken by many journalists. The focus of the interviewed Swedish journalists is rather on up front nazis than the dubious groups spreading online, with some exceptions, which could help explain the more carefree approach. However, the challenges of similar groups’ potential spreading in the near future is an important reason to address ethical approaches on how to best report on radical nationalist groups promptly.