Spelling suggestions: "subject:"radical nationalism"" "subject:"eadical nationalism""
1 |
Euskadi Ta Askatasuna : - Reasons for Existence. A Case Study in the Basque CountryAvazpour, Kimia Raha January 2009 (has links)
In this case study I explore why the conflict of the Basque country which involves Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) persists. The purpose is to gain an understanding of the existence of ETA. Working somewhat as an ethnographer the method has been to observe Basque society and through semi- structured interviews gain an understanding of ETAs existence. As exemplified with the hermeneutic circle, this case study starts out with a preunderstanding of the reasons for the existence of ETA, a preunderstanding which alters many times during my visit to the Basque country. Keys to understanding the continued existence of ETA is that historical “injustices” are perceived to still exist in the Basque country. Perceptions which question the legitimacy of the Spanish state in the Basque country. Further the social base of ETA, as exemplified in election support for Herri Batasuna (HB), still remains rather strong despite the party‟s illegalization and finally, the perceived lack of a functioning democracy in Spain and the lack of legitimacy of the Spanish state in the Basque country are among the reasons for the continued existence of ETA.
|
2 |
The negotiated nation: Evaluation of nation building in the post-apartheid South AfricaMoya, Hazel Nasiphi January 2021 (has links)
Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The demise of apartheid presented South Africa with an opportunity to rebuild itself from its painful racist past to become a home to all those who live in it. This was done through a process of nation-building, which took the form of a multicultural civic nation, affectionately known as the Rainbow Nation, that embraces diverse cultures while affirming that individual citizens have equal rights. This thesis argues that the building of the Rainbow Nation has been somewhat successful, but more on a symbolic than institutional level, and that enduring forms of racial exclusion from socio-economic well-being pose the greatest threat to constructing a united, multicultural nation of civic equals.
|
3 |
"Let us build an ark!" : Jonas De Geer and the negotiation of religion within radical nationalismLundström, Tomas January 2016 (has links)
This thesis illuminates meaning(s) of religion in a Swedish radical nationalist context. The empirical study is based on a critical text analysis of author Jonas De Geer, key ideology producer of Swedish radical nationalism. The research questions concern how the publications of Jonas De Geer, during the period 1996-2016, address issues related to religion and Christian imagery. The primary aim of the thesis – to study how the concept of religion is understood, negotiated and used in a Swedish radical nationalist context – is enunciated through an examination of how identity and antagonists are construed through the notions of religion in the material, and how these concepts change over time. An applied text analysis, informed by critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics, constitutes the methodological framework of the study. The empirical analysis suggests that Christianity and national identity are construed as intertwined and natural, while Judaism is portrayed as the primary antagonist. Additionally, Islam and modernist ideals are depicted as weapons used by Jewish influence to dominate the West. Drawing on these empirical implications, the study concludes that religion functions as a racist configuration in De Geer's symbolic universe.
|
4 |
The ethics of reporting on radical nationalist groups in SwedenAxelsson, Sofie January 2019 (has links)
Radical nationalist groups are growing in Sweden as well as in the rest of the world due to contemporary political, cultural and social rationale, where the internet is used as a catalyzer and tool to organize and spread their ideologies. Simultaneously, the structures and the system that hold journalism seem to be altering at a similar speed. The journalistic reporting on radical nationalist groups has, for this reason, become increasingly difficult. The alt-right, a radical nationalist group in the US expanded much because of the oxygen that American journalists added in an attempt to raise awareness of the danger or the highly problematic opinions that these groups sometimes stand for (Faris et.al 2018). A similar trend in Sweden is not yet visible but the lack of an ethical code of conduct when reporting on radical nationalist groups speaks for unpreparedness. This study aims to understand the ethical approach of Swedish journalists when reporting on radical nationalist groups through the interviews of 8 journalists. ¨´The theoretical approach is based on the structures that affect ethical decision-making along the hierarchy of influence model, by Shoemaker and Reese (1996) as well as journalists’ positioning of ideology and relativism, an ethical concept developed by Plaisance (2005). Based on the interview data collected for this study, some of the journalists in Sweden claim to be consequence neutral, thus it can be assumed that the responsibility of providing accumulated attention to radical nationalist groups which contribute to their expansion is not taken by many journalists. The focus of the interviewed Swedish journalists is rather on up front nazis than the dubious groups spreading online, with some exceptions, which could help explain the more carefree approach. However, the challenges of similar groups’ potential spreading in the near future is an important reason to address ethical approaches on how to best report on radical nationalist groups promptly.
|
5 |
Vita protestanter, brinnande kors : Ku Klux Klan, pan-protestantism och myten om AmerikaForsell, Gustaf January 2019 (has links)
The aim of this thesis is to analyse how and to what extent Ku Klux Klan constructed a pan-Protestant interpretation of Christianity based on its “myth of America” (Americanism) during the years 1915–30. Using hermeneutic content analysis and a theoretical approach based on Gramscian “cultural hegemony” and historian of religions Bruce Lincoln’s theory of myth, I examine the construction through three analytical themes: the Klan and the myth of America, the Klan’s pan-Protestantism, the Klan and religious patriotism. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s advocated a theological position where race and religious confession are intimately entwined, and its members hence believed that the white race is God’s chosen people and Unites States a God-ordained nation. Opposing the idea of multiculturalism, Klan members stressed the notion of America as a nation imagined to be threatened by Jews, Catholics, and blacks. Therefore, every white Protestant American had to unite in order to combat these alleged national and racial menaces. This worldview was permeated by aspects of love. It was mostly because of love to God, race and nation – not primarily due to hate – the Klan constructed its interpretation of Protestant Christianity. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s truly imagined themselves as guard-ians, or Knights, of an endangered culture.
|
6 |
Inställningar till våld inom den radikalnationalistiska sociala rörelsen i SverigeBeskow, Sofia January 2018 (has links)
Denna studie presenterar en empiriskt välgrundad bild av inställningar till våld i radikalnationalistiska rörelser samt av hur dessa (re)konstrueras och upprätthålls inom organisationer. Studien utgörs av en hermeneutisk inramningsanalys av texter, artiklar, podcasts, radioprogram och dokumentärer av och om radikalnationalistiska aktörer. Studiens resultat visar en inom radikalnationalismen gemensam världsbild av att ”det egna folket” (den vita rasen / den västerländska identiteten) är hotat av en flyktinginvasion och att staten är ovillig eller inkapabel att skydda detta folk. I detta upplevda katastrofala läge anser sig radikalnationalisterna skyldiga att skydda folket i statens ställe. Våld ses inte som ett självändamål, men däremot som ett naturligt medel i kampen för folkets överlevnad, vilket man inte tar avstånd från om det anses nödvändigt. Den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen anser sig vara utsatta såväl fysiskt som politiskt av systemet och av meningsmotståndare, vilket enligt deras resonemang gör det nödvändigt att ibland använda sig av nödvärnsvåld. Organisationernas officiella riktlinjer uppmuntrar nödvärnsvåld i syfte att skydda sig själv, sina kamrater och sin organisations heder. Internt uttalas radikaliserade varianter av detta resonemang där det beskrivs att våld alltid kan motiveras med självförsvar i och med att vårt folk är under attack och därmed behöver försvaras. / This study presents an empirically founded description of attitudes towards violence in radical nationalist social movements and of how these are (re)constructed within organisations. The analysis has been made through a hermeneutical frame analysis of texts, podcasts, documentaries and radio programmes about and issued by radical nationalist actors. The result shows that the radical nationalist movement has a collective world view of “their own people” as threatened by a refugee invasion from which the state is unwilling to protect said people. Nationalist actors see it as their responsibility to protect the people where the state fails to do so. Violence is not seen as an end, but as a natural means in the fight for survival, which will not be disregarded if perceived as advantageous. The movement sees itself as victim to physical and political injustice from the system and from political opponents, which in their view justifies use violence in self protecting purposes. Official guidelines encourage violence to protect oneself, one’s comrades and the honour of the organisation. A radicalized version is that violence always can be motivated with self-defence because “our people” is seen as under attack and needs to be defended. / Populärvetenskaplig sammanfattning Denna studie syftar till att undersöka och presentera en bild av inställningar till våld i radikalnationalistiska miljöer samt hur dessa kommer till och förändras inom organisationer. Radikalnationalism är detsamma som vad som i vardagligt tal kallas ”högerextremism”, men då man vid en närmre titt kan se att rörelsen inte går att placera på en klassisk höger-vänster-skala så har jag valt att istället använda begreppet radikalnationalism. För att nå mitt syfte har jag använt mig av inramningsteori (framing theory), vilket är en vetenskaplig metod i syfte att fånga hur organisationer konstruerar och upprätthåller en gemensam verklighet och identitet. Metoden har här använts för att se om det finns en kollektiv syn på våld inom den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen och hur denna i så fall ser ut. Studiens resultat visar att den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen har en gemensam världsbild där samhället befinner sig i fullständigt kaos, där ”det egna folket” (den vita rasen / det västerländska folket) är hotat av en flyktinginvasion och där staten är ovillig eller inkapabel att skydda detta folk. I detta upplevda katastrofala läge anser sig radikalnationalisterna skyldiga att skydda folket i statens ställe, vilket skall göras genom en framtida revolution. Våld ses inte som ett självändamål, men däremot som ett naturligt och nödvändigt medel i kampen för folkets överlevnad, vilket man inte tar avstånd från om det anses hjälpa kampen framåt. Utöver detta instrumentella våld anser sig den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen vara utsatta såväl fysiskt som politiskt av systemet och av meningsmotståndare, vilket gör det nödvändigt att ibland använda sig av nödvärnsvåld. Organisationernas officiella riktlinjer uppmuntrar nödvärnsvåld i syfte att skydda sig själv, sina kamrater och sin organisations heder. Internt uttalas radikaliserade varianter av detta resonemang där det beskrivs att våld alltid kan motiveras med självförsvar i och med att vårt folk är under attack och därmed behöver försvaras.
|
7 |
The Transformation Of The Nationalist Ideology: The Nationalist Action Party In Turkey After The 1999 ElectionsKatirci, Guldeniz 01 May 2006 (has links) (PDF)
ABSTRACT
Katirci, Gü / ldeniz
M. S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration
Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz
December 2006, 157 pages
The main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate whether or not the rapid rise and decline of radical nationalism between 1999 and 2002 elections may be related to an ideological identity crisis of the Nationalist Action Party. In this context, the focus will be on the transformation of the nationalist ideology, &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / in the Ottoman Empire, Kemalist/official nationalism, and transformation of Turkish nationalism to a political party ideology and its further transformation in Turkey. The reason for drawing such a framework is related to the fact that the developmental line of the nationalist phenomenon shows a three dimensional historical continuity line in influencing Turkish nationalism as a political party ideology. The possible ideological identity crisis in the NAP ideology, which has been visible between the 1999 and 2002 general elections, should be searched in the genetic categorical paradoxes and in the transformation of nationalism as a modern phenomenon, which have been influential upon all nationalism types emerged after it. The complex structure of the nationalist phenomenon, which started to be influential on the Ottoman Empire had influenced the developmental periods of &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / appeared in their original structure. Turkish nationalism, which had developed on the same line with Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism, had inherited both the categorical paradoxes of nationalism and the emergence of &ldquo / original&rdquo / Turkish nationalism. Thus, Turkish nationalism, as a nation-state ideology, had been the carrier of these categorical inconsistencies, which had remained until the multi-party period and which were transformed to a political party ideology with the NAP in the 1960s. Therefore, throughout the thesis, the possible ideological identity crisis of the NAP ideology will be searched in its complex relation with the transformation history of political nationalism and its specific transformation in Turkey. At the end, the ideological statute of nationalism in the political spectrum will be questioned.
|
8 |
Swedish Belief and Swedish Tradition : The Role of Religion in Sweden Democrat NationalismStenbäck, Tomas January 2020 (has links)
In the context of Western, European, Nordic, and Swedish radical nationalism, this study is an analysis of the various ways the political party the Sweden Democrats talks about religion; primarily about Swedish Evangelical-Lutheran Christianity and the Church of Sweden. The study investigates the party expressions on religion and nationalism, using theoretical models of interpretation, constructed for this specific purpose, out of hermeneutic methodology. The purpose has been to analyse the different functions of the various ways the Sweden Democrats talk about religion, and to investigate how the references to religion legitimize the ideology of nationalism, with the aim to answer the following questions: How do the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion function as an identity marker? In what way is it possible to distinguish an aspiration for cultural purity in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? Is it possible to distinguish neo-racism in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? In which ways can the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion be regarded as political strategy? The results demonstrate in which ways the Sweden Democrats apply religion to promote the party perceptions of nationalism, as well as to legitimize the party conceptions of the Swedish nation and the Swedish people: Swedish Christianity and the Church of Sweden are used to identify Swedish culture and to identify contrasting foreign culture. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the good Swedish people and the bad other people. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the right Swedish values and the wrong values of the other. Swedish Christian values are used as dividing criteria between the culturally pure Swedish people and the culturally impure other people. The degeneration of the Church of Sweden mirrors the degeneration of the Swedish society. Swedish Christian homogeneity will guarantee security for the Swedish people and the Swedish nation within the Swedish nation-state. Elements of religion and culture sort different peoples into different categories in the hierarchical view of humanity. Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the Swedish people as innocent to the current precarious situation of the Swedish nation, and Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the people of the other, which is to blame for this situation. The Swedish people is superior, to the non-Swedish people, because of superior Swedish religion and superior Swedish culture. Swedish Christianity is used to promote anti-democratic political positions. Swedish Christianity is used to legitimize coercion and force in the enforcement of Swedishness.
|
Page generated in 0.1102 seconds