Thesis (M. A.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1998. / Bibliography: leaves 99-106.

On the 22nd of July 2011, Norwegian lone actor Anders Behring Breivik decided tocarry out his life mission; a mission, which resulted in two separate terrorist attackskilling 77 individuals linked to the Norwegian Labour Party. The attacks directlycontributed to launch the second violence wave of the modern right-wing extremistmovement, turning it into the most violent movement of today in Western Europe. Theyalso contributed to establish Breivik as a template and a hero for many of theindividuals active in the right-wing extremist movement, making other right-wing loneactors follow Breivik's methods and committing crimes in the name of the sameideology as him. But which specific moral arguments did Breivik use in order to justifyand promote "his" ideology, and beyond that, his crime? In order to answer thatquestion, in this thesis, Breivik's manifesto was analysed using the situational actiontheory as a moral base. A simple discourse analysis framed by the intersectionalperspective was used as a method, and the analysis resulted in three main themes -Ethnicity, Religion, and Gender - as well as six sub-themes that highlighted the fight-forand the fight-against dimensions of each theme. In the discussion, the violent languageand the hierarchical order of the themes were examined, which demonstrated that acriminological perspective is needed when the connection between ideology and crimeis to be understood. The thesis was thereafter concluded with the notion that ideologyneeds to be seen as an independent risk factor in order for these types of crimes to beprevented. / <p>2016-06-01</p>

The diploma thesis deals with the influence of right-wing extremism on the legal order and compares the consequences that activities of right-wing extremists had and have on the law. The basic principles of right-wing extremism, as well as the basic theses on which right-wing extremist ideologies are based, are described in the diploma thesis. The diploma thesis "Right- wing extremism and its legal consequences under Nazism and today" is divided into ten chapters and a conclusion and discusses the manifestations of tribal nationalism in the legal order of Nazi Germany and describes the implementation of Nazi legislation in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The attention is also paid to the development of national particularism, its ideas and to the idea of national exceptionality. However, the idea of national exceptionality puts the unexceptional "others" on the opposite pole of the same axis and subsequently leads to their discrimination and persecution. The law then becomes the perfect tool to discriminate against and persecute these "others". Main attention is thus paid to racial legislation of the Nazi Germany, which were based on conclusions of eugenics "scientists" of the time. The diploma thesis therefore in detail discusses the Nuremberg Laws, as well as other subsequent by-laws,...

Mit der vorliegenden "Mitte"-Studie wird das rechtsextreme Einstellungspotential in Deutschland zum siebten Mal seit 2002 dokumentiert. Zunächst werden in Kapitel I und II die Ergebnisse und theoretischen Implikationen der bisherigen Studien zusammengefasst und erweitert. In Kapitel III werden die Ergebnisse der „Mitte“-Studie 2014 vorgestellt, die im abschließenden Kapitel IV zusammengefasst und im Kapitel V abschliessend diskutiert werden.

This thesis illuminates meaning(s) of religion in a Swedish radical nationalist context. The empirical study is based on a critical text analysis of author Jonas De Geer, key ideology producer of Swedish radical nationalism. The research questions concern how the publications of Jonas De Geer, during the period 1996-2016, address issues related to religion and Christian imagery. The primary aim of the thesis – to study how the concept of religion is understood, negotiated and used in a Swedish radical nationalist context – is enunciated through an examination of how identity and antagonists are construed through the notions of religion in the material, and how these concepts change over time. An applied text analysis, informed by critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics, constitutes the methodological framework of the study. The empirical analysis suggests that Christianity and national identity are construed as intertwined and natural, while Judaism is portrayed as the primary antagonist. Additionally, Islam and modernist ideals are depicted as weapons used by Jewish influence to dominate the West. Drawing on these empirical implications, the study concludes that religion functions as a racist configuration in De Geer's symbolic universe.

Was wird unter „nachhaltiger Prävention“ in der Präventionsforschung verstanden? Welche guten Beispiele für nachhaltige Prävention gibt es in der Praxis? Und v. a.: Wie lässt sich Prävention in den verschiedenen Bereichen wie Kriminalität, Gewalt und Rechtsextremismus nachhaltig gestalten? Diesen Fragen will der vorliegende Sammelband nachgehen und damit der Präventionsdebatte neue Impulse verleihen. Der Band will insbesondere die nationale sowie internationale Fachdebatte konstruktiv aufgreifen, Theorie und Praxis verbinden, „good practice“ Beispiele darstellen sowie Perspektiven nachhaltiger Prävention aufzeigen. Mit diesem Themenspektrum richtet er sich sowohl an die Wissenschaft als auch an die Praxis sowie insgesamt an eine interessierte Öffentlichkeit. / What is meant by „sustainable prevention“ in prevention research? What are good examples for sustainable prevention? And above all: How can prevention in fields like crime, violence and right-wing extremism be arranged sustainably? This miscellany is focused on these questions and it is intend to give new inputs for the current discussion on sustainable prevention. Especially, the miscellany is meant to connect the national and international trade debate, to combine theory and practice, to describe examples of “good practice” as well as to show prospects of sustainable prevention. These range of topics focus on science and practice as well as an interested public in general.

Dissertation｜2460442M Abstract The discourses structuring news coverage of terrorist attacks influence our understanding of the nature, drivers and severity of the threat emanating from a specific extremist actor category. Therefore, they are a powerful tool to further socio-political goals. Acknowledging the role of language in shaping reality, this dissertation project uses Critical Discourse Analysis/Critical Discourse Studies to reveal current discursive trends in the understudied coverage of Islamist and right-wing extremist attacks in the Swiss press. With the dominant social factor distinguishing the two extremist categories being ethnicity, it hypothesises that Western media discourses reflect the presuppositions of Orientalism and Critical Race Theory. Both theories expect texts to express, enact and legitimise social hierarchies based on racial affinity to solidify the supremacy of the white elite. The exemplarily analysis of the reporting of two recent extremist incidents by three newspapers representing political perspectives from the right-wing to the left-wing shows that while the Swiss press is indeed influenced by and reproduces racial inequalities, publications do so to a varying degree.

Auf Grundlage einer qualitativen Text- und Inhaltsanalyse, die sich auf zentrale Schriften des völkischen Nationalismus stützt, untersucht die Studie die antisemitische Großstadtwahrnehmung der völkischen Bewegung in den Jahren zwischen 1902 und 1940. Im empirischen Material werden drei zentrale Topoi identifiziert: Eine Personifizierung des Verstädterungsprozesses in den Juden, die rassentheoretische Annahme einer unterschiedlichen Anpassungsfähigkeit von Juden und Deutschen an das moderne Großstadtleben und die Darstellung der Großstädte als ein System der Verführung und sexuellen Pervertierung, für das Juden verantwortlich gemacht werden. Die Studie kann zeigen, dass Juden und Jüdinnen einerseits eine besondere Eignung für das Großstadtleben zugeschrieben wird und dass die modernen Großstädte andererseits als Versinnbildlichung von als „jüdisch“ apostrophierter Ideen gesehen werden (Geldwirtschaft, Kosmopolitismus, „Genusssucht“ etc.). Die Untersuchung leistet zudem einen Beitrag zur anhaltenden Diskussion über das Verhältnis des völkischen Antisemitismus zur Moderne, in dem sie nachweist, dass der völkische Nationalismus durch eine disparate Großstadt- und Technikrezeption geprägt ist: Die technisch-wissenschaftliche Rationalität der Moderne ist mit völkischem Denken vereinbar, das moderne Großstadtleben hingegen nicht.

Wie kann "Forschendes Lernen" noch besser in die politikwissenschaftliche Lehre integriert werden? Dieser Frage gingen sechs Lehrende an den sächsischen Universitäten Dresden, Leipzig und Chemnitz im Wintersemester 2015/2016 mit einem gemeinsam entworfenen Projektseminar unter dem Titel "Rechtsextremismus und Zivilgesellschaft" nach. Im Interview berichten die Beteiligten von ihren Konzeptionen und deren Umsetzung.

This paper is a case study of the Sweden Democrats with the aim to better understand the nature of the immigrant-critical nationalist parties, often referred to as right-wing extremist, right-wing populist etc. who has had success in several countries, and their ideological roots. A comparative descriptive analysis has been done of the ideas of the Sweden Democrats' ideology, with the aim to identify and examine the presence of fascism ideas in SD's ideology. On the basis of the existing research has an ideal type been formulated what fascism most basic ideas are. With this idealtype as an analytical tool has SD's party platform, political speeches, SD-kuriren and Jimmie Åkesson's book, etc. been analyzed. It has been possible to demonstrate the similarities and differences between the SD's and fascist ideas. Ideas of SD which is also a typical feature of fascism is the opposition to the conduct of immigration policy and to stop or limit immigration which appears as the party's most prominent idea that is also a typical feature of fascism. The myth of the betrayed people's home “Folkhemmet” appears to be a typical "mystical core" in the SD's thinking which is similar to the example stab-in-the-back legend of Nazism. The idea about the third way and a excluding nationalism that sees diversity as a threat is common within fascism while the differences is that the SD profess democracy and denounces anti-democratic ideas. SD is like the fascists not pacifists but has not, moreover, any typical fascist ideas on the war in its program. The multicultural society is considered a threat, which is similar to the ideas of fascism, and SD considers that a culture war is going on, especially with Islam. SD has some ideas in common with fascism that indicates continuity from the interwar fascism. Other ideas differ from the ideas of fascism, which shows that the party has been partly done up with its ideological roots. The type of thought structures identified in the analysis of the Sweden Democrats have several ideas in common with the fascist discourse, but there are also similarities with the humanist Enlightenment discourse in the affirmation of democracy.