This dissertation explains why and how, in the absence of direct federal participation, the Canadian provinces invest at comparable levels, achieve similar outcomes, and produce similar policies while simultaneously maintaining distinctive policy particularities in the elementary and secondary education sector. Given the limited national direction and the extensive autonomy afforded the Canadian provinces, for both students of federalism and education policy, the significant interprovincial similarities appearing across the subnational education sectors are a puzzle to be explained. I develop this analysis by exploring my puzzle in two comparative contexts: cross-nationally and longitudinally. To account for patterns of educational policy similarity and difference, the dissertation points to the movement of policy ideas across the provinces in response to their increasing legal, economic, organizational, and cultural interconnectedness. My dissertation argues that as interconnections among the provinces increased, the movement of policy ideas across the provinces intensified. As policy ideas moved, provincial governments would determine whether a policy from another jurisdiction could be suitable in their own. The subsequent decision to adopt the policy of another turned critically on both the existing relations between the jurisdictions and viability of the new idea within the internal policy context of the receiving jurisdiction. The basic conclusion of my work is that despite Canada’s highly decentralized federalism, there is a remarkable degree of convergence and similarity among the education sectors of the Canadian provinces.

This dissertation explains why and how, in the absence of direct federal participation, the Canadian provinces invest at comparable levels, achieve similar outcomes, and produce similar policies while simultaneously maintaining distinctive policy particularities in the elementary and secondary education sector. Given the limited national direction and the extensive autonomy afforded the Canadian provinces, for both students of federalism and education policy, the significant interprovincial similarities appearing across the subnational education sectors are a puzzle to be explained. I develop this analysis by exploring my puzzle in two comparative contexts: cross-nationally and longitudinally. To account for patterns of educational policy similarity and difference, the dissertation points to the movement of policy ideas across the provinces in response to their increasing legal, economic, organizational, and cultural interconnectedness. My dissertation argues that as interconnections among the provinces increased, the movement of policy ideas across the provinces intensified. As policy ideas moved, provincial governments would determine whether a policy from another jurisdiction could be suitable in their own. The subsequent decision to adopt the policy of another turned critically on both the existing relations between the jurisdictions and viability of the new idea within the internal policy context of the receiving jurisdiction. The basic conclusion of my work is that despite Canada’s highly decentralized federalism, there is a remarkable degree of convergence and similarity among the education sectors of the Canadian provinces.

<p>&nbsp / </p> <p align="left">This thesis focuses on federalism and ethnic diversity. Using two case studies, South Africa and Ethiopia, it sets to examine whether institutional designs in a form of federalism can serve as an effective instrument to respond to ethnic claims while at the same time maintaining national unity in the context of multi-ethnic societies. The issues this study investigates are <font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">not only topical to multi-ethnic states around the world but constitute the core problems to which communities, ranging from the troubled Sudan to Nigeria and from the Western Sahara to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), are struggling to find solutions. In this regard, the thesis may assist those multi-ethnic states that are struggling to find institutional solution to <font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">the ethnic conflicts that characterise their society.</font></font></font></font></p>

This Master’s Thesis compares the dynamics of intergovernmental relations (IGR) in Canada and Australia. In particular, the study explores how two such similar countries have developed such distinct sets of intergovernmental institutions. In Australia, the Commonwealth has increasingly dominated IGR since the 1930s, a process which culminated with the creation of the Council of Australian Government, a “vertical” (Commonwealth-state) institution. In Canada, federal-provincial-territorial relations have been far less institutionalized. Instead, “horizontal” (provincial-territorial) relations have evolved slowly into the Council of the Federation, the most regularized forum for IGR in Canadian history. By examining the historical development of federalism more generally and IGR specifically, this study uncovers a mutually-reinforcing relationship between centralization and the verticality of IGR in Australia, and a corresponding bond between decentralization and horizontality in Canada. Based on original interviews with key intergovernmental officials in each country, the study attributes these relationships to a number of factors, including the presence of multi-nationalism, the strength of intrastate federalism, the nature of judicial interpretation, the structure of fiscal federalism, and the personal style of political figures. The thesis concludes that verticality in Canada and horizontality in Australia are functions of the same factors which made one decentralized and the other centralized, and that institutions of IGR are both cause and effect of the prevailing dynamic in either federation.

Traditional understanding of the Canadian federation includes a belief that leadership from the federal government is necessary for effective intergovernmental relations and collective policy. The ability of the federal government to set a national vision has waned in the years since the constitutional negotiations. In its place has been a rise in interprovincial collaboration and leadership. A 30 year review of policy regarding the economic union and internal trade reveals that provincial asymmetry and incremental bilateral or regional action has shown an ability to contribute to a renewed pan-Canadian consensus. From this we can see how the system of interprovincial relations that has developed can serve to advance innovative policy and critical intergovernmental collaboration needed in the Canadian federation. / Graduate

This Master’s Thesis compares the dynamics of intergovernmental relations (IGR) in Canada and Australia. In particular, the study explores how two such similar countries have developed such distinct sets of intergovernmental institutions. In Australia, the Commonwealth has increasingly dominated IGR since the 1930s, a process which culminated with the creation of the Council of Australian Government, a “vertical” (Commonwealth-state) institution. In Canada, federal-provincial-territorial relations have been far less institutionalized. Instead, “horizontal” (provincial-territorial) relations have evolved slowly into the Council of the Federation, the most regularized forum for IGR in Canadian history. By examining the historical development of federalism more generally and IGR specifically, this study uncovers a mutually-reinforcing relationship between centralization and the verticality of IGR in Australia, and a corresponding bond between decentralization and horizontality in Canada. Based on original interviews with key intergovernmental officials in each country, the study attributes these relationships to a number of factors, including the presence of multi-nationalism, the strength of intrastate federalism, the nature of judicial interpretation, the structure of fiscal federalism, and the personal style of political figures. The thesis concludes that verticality in Canada and horizontality in Australia are functions of the same factors which made one decentralized and the other centralized, and that institutions of IGR are both cause and effect of the prevailing dynamic in either federation.

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Mon sujet porte notamment sur l'émergence de ce que l'on peut appeler « L'euro-régionalisme » qui se développe sur le territoire de l'Union européenne et les territoires des Etats du Conseil de l'Europe. La coopération régionale européenne est confrontée au développement des structures juridiques. Le Groupement Européen de Coopération Territoriale appelée « GECT » constitue une manifestation juridique de l'évolution euro-régionale des acteurs infra-étatiques dans le cadre de l'intégration européenne, et contribue à renforcer l'identité de la citoyenneté européenne. La question de la gouvernance européenne se pose avec la montée des Groupements européens de coopération territoriale. L'instrument juridique a une nature juridique originale et spécifique qui pose également des problèmes de mise en œuvre suite à l'adoption du règlement « GECT » en 2006 et 2013. Associée à une pratique transfrontalière et un cadre juridique plus ou moins spécifique sur le sujet, les développements récents ont vu la naissance du GECT qui permettent le développement de projets communs favorisant la proximité des citoyens européens. L'institution d'un nouvel instrument juridique de la coopération intra-européenne est une nouvelle ambition de doter l'Union européenne d'un cadre de l'opération euro-régionale. Dans le cadre de mes recherches doctorales, je procède à la constitution doctorale du cadre juridique du GECT. Parallèlement, il semble que l'Union européenne n'a pas vocation à être fédéraliste. Il convient de redéfinir le projet SCHUMAN en précisant que la montée de l'euro-régionalisme ne porte pas atteinte à la souveraineté des Etats mais qu'elle préserve l'identité de chaque Etat. / My topic is the 'emergence of euro-regionalism' in the territory of the European Union and the territories of the states of the Council of Europe. The European regional cooperation is facing the development of legal structures. For example, we may classify the European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation called 'EGTC'. European integration through the areas at the local level and helping to strengthen the identity of European citizenship. The question of European governance arises with the rise of European Groupings of Territorial Cooperation. The legal instrument has an original and specific legal nature which also poses problems of implementation following the adoption of the Regulation

L’Europe est une idée philosophique. Elle est ouverte aux différentes idées qui la développent. Elle est née suite à la christianisation des peuples et à la recommandation française pour l’universalisme chrétien. Charlemagne prouve que les nations européennes et l’unité de l’Europe sont liées étroitement. Cette présupposition domine les conceptions suivantes f rançaises de la période du Moyen-âge. Les idées philosophiques de la Lumière créent la communauté culturelle et l’unité européenne au sein du res republica litteraria. La crise de la conscience européenne du XIXème siècle et de la première moitié du XXème siècle mène à l’aggravement de la tension et aux conflits entre les États. Après la deuxième guerre mondiale Robert Schuman et Jean Monnet lancent la conception de l’intégration économique de l’Europe. Ils construisent la CECA appuyée sur tout ce que l’Evangile apporte, sur la tradition du fédéralisme chrétien allemand, sur le personnalisme français et le catholicisme italien social. La deuxième partie du XXème siècle voit une idée d’intégration particulière apparaître : l’Europe des États de Charles de Gaulle. La fin du XXème siècle c’est le traité de Maastricht à l’initiative de la France qui a ouvert un nouveau chapitre dans l’histoire de l’intégration européenne / Europe is philosophical concept. It is open to different thoughts, which contribute to its development. It arose as a result of Christianization of peoples and French support for Christian universalism. Charlemagne proved that European nations and the unity of Europe are closely connected. This assumption dominated in subsequent French concepts in the Middle Ages. The philosophical ideas of the Enlightenment create a cultural community of elites and the sense of European unity within res republica litteraria. The crisis of European consciousness in the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century led to growing tension and conflicts between countries. After the II World War Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet, a liberal open to the Christian thought, put forward a conception of the economic integration of Europe. The European Coal and Steel Community comes to files, based on the word of the Gospel, the tradition of German Christian federalism, French personalism, and Italian social Catholicism. In the second half of the 20th century a separate integration thought also appears : Charles de Gaulle’s Europe patries. The end of the 20th century brought also the Maastricht Treaty, which was created on the initiative of, among others, France, and which opened a new chapter in the history of European integration