The aim of this study is to investigate whether culture is perceived and taught in similar ways in regard to the study of English during the final year of compulsory schooling in Sweden and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In order to achieve this, relevant parts of policy documents and teaching materials from both school systems are analyzed – based on a framework which was devised using Claire Kramsch’s definition of culture as a foundation – and discussed. Our findings indicate that culture is not perceived and taught similarly in regard to the study of English during the final year of compulsory schooling in the two school systems we examine. In Sweden, based upon that which is expressed in the policy documents, it appears that learning about culture is seen as a natural component of language learning. On the hand, this does not appear to be the case in regard to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. While representations of culture are present in the teaching materials examined from each region, the ways in which it is portrayed reflect that which is set forth in the policy documents, i.e., culture is more fully integrated in the textbook used in Sweden than it is in the one used in Macedonian classrooms. Our study is of interest to those active within the field of education because an increasingly globalized world means that classes are being comprised of increasingly heterogeneous groups of students. Having insight into differences that exist between school systems may lead to a greater understanding of the situation that exists in one’s own corner of the world.

<p>The aim of this study is to investigate whether culture is perceived and taught in similar ways in regard to the study of English during the final year of compulsory schooling in Sweden and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In order to achieve this, relevant parts of policy documents and teaching materials from both school systems are analyzed – based on a framework which was devised using Claire Kramsch’s definition of culture as a foundation – and discussed. Our findings indicate that culture is not perceived and taught similarly in regard to the study of English during the final year of compulsory schooling in the two school systems we examine. In Sweden, based upon that which is expressed in the policy documents, it appears that learning about culture is seen as a natural component of language learning. On the hand, this does not appear to be the case in regard to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. While representations of culture are present in the teaching materials examined from each region, the ways in which it is portrayed reflect that which is set forth in the policy documents, i.e., culture is more fully integrated in the textbook used in Sweden than it is in the one used in Macedonian classrooms. Our study is of interest to those active within the field of education because an increasingly globalized world means that classes are being comprised of increasingly heterogeneous groups of students. Having insight into differences that exist between school systems may lead to a greater understanding of the situation that exists in one’s own corner of the world.</p>

Since the end of the Cold War, political and geographical realities have changed considerably. One such reality was the balance of power between East and West, which was especially visible in Europe. The contest between rivals, the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), was over. Ultimately, NATO found itself the pre-eminent security organisation in Europe. The new post-cold war environment forced questions about the appropriate role for NATO. However, that changed with both the process of NATO expansion into former Warsaw pact countries and the ethnic conflicts throughout the former Yugoslavia. NATO found a new purpose during the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia as ‘peace-enforcer’ in the Balkan region. The focus of this thesis is NATO’s role in peace-enforcement in the former Yugoslavia. It examines how NATO dealt with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. Specifically, how NATO managed to re-establish its relevance as a security organisation. NATO’s military intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo were crucial in securing the end of hostilities in both those regions. NATO’s Implementation Force (IFOR), Stabilisation Force (SFOR) and Kosovo Force (KFOR) all played significant roles in subsequent peace-enforcement and peace-building roles in the region by suppressing violence through power projection and institution building. In 2001, NATO undertook a third operation in the Balkans, that time of a more limited nature, disarming ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. NATO’s presence there also encouraged stability. This thesis argues that, ultimately, NATO maintained its relevance by the establishing a new role for itself after the Cold War through Eastward expansion and in suppressing ethnic conflict in the Balkans. Both these roles have been successful. The decisive interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and FYROM forced the belligerents to stop fighting. NATO’s subsequent enforcement of the peace has stopped each conflict from flaring up again. With NATO membership now including most of Europe, it remains the only viable security organisation on the continent. NATO’s effectiveness as a security organisation was demonstrated with its ability to end the conflict in the Balkans and providing a stable environment for the people of the region. This intervention was crucial to the definition of a new role for NATO in the post-Cold War world. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1320482 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics 2008

This Master Thesis focuses on one of the most significant instrument of conflict prevention in the OSCE -- the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM). The aim of this thesis is to find out which determinants of his involvement contributed to the prevention of Civil War in the FYROM and why it failed in Kosovo. The first part looks into the theory of conflict prevention. The second chapter introduces the OSCE and focuses on function, mandate and activities of the HCNM. The third chapter analyzes and compares the involvement of the HCNM in the FYROM and Kosovo.

This dissertation thesis is focused on the analysis of changing relations between the Western Balkan countries (WB) and the European Union (EU) against background of actual transformation processes in these countries. The Western Balkans represents a group of countries which were not part of so-called Eastern Enlargement of the EU, but are also slowly heading towards the EU. The EU distinguishes three groups of countries within the WB: Croatia has become an acceding country; then here is a group of candidate countries (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Montenegro, Serbia), and the last group is formed by so-called potential candidate countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo). All of these above mentioned countries are part of the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) which nowadays represents the core of the Enlargement Policy of the EU and stands for the main research topic of this thesis. The thesis also comprehends the history of the enlargement process of the EU and the basic theoretical concepts of the (EU) enlargement. The "transformation" chapter includes a theoretical grounding too. Three hypotheses were verified (mainly) by results of transformation, evaluation of Copenhagen criteria by the European Commission, and by the statistical methods (Principal Components Analysis and Cluster Analysis) based on a number of economic and demographic indicators.

Rozbor oficiálních stanovisek EU k rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu (Chorvatsko, Makedonie, Černá Hora, Albánie, BiH, Srbsko, nově Kosovo) ukazuje na zdrženlivost EU k vlastnímu aktu přijetí. Přes všechna prohlášení o vůli přijmout tyto země, tato vyjádření zůstávají spíše proklamací, bez vyhlášení konkrétních dat přijetí těchto zemí do společenství. Na rozdíl od Rakouska, která jako jediná země EU deklaruje co nejrychlejší rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu přímo ve vládním programu jako prioritu své zahraniční politiky. Motivace Rakouska je založena na důkladné ekonomické analýze situace, kdy Rakouské investice do těchto zemí jsou nejvyšší ze všech zemí EU. Mezi Rakouskem a zeměmi Západního Balkánu a Rakouskem probíhá čilý obchod i pohyb osob, na který ostatní země EU nejsou ještě připraveny. Překážkou rychlého přijetí se tedy jeví důvody povahy nikoliv ekonomické, ale politické. Evropská unie se shoduje na roku 2008 jako na roku klíčovém v přístupových jednáních. V době publikace této práce ovšem EU nebyla s to jako celek schválit nezávislost Kosova. Minimálně tento bod zůstává otevřen k dořešení v roce 2008 spolu s dalšími body týkajícími se příštího rozšíření. EU má v této chvíli (duben 2008) jasno, že favorizovanými kandidáty pro přístup jsou Chorvatsko, Makedonie a Albánie, zatím bez konkrétního data přístupu.