Breastfeeding rates vary considerably among high-income countries who are members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). In the 1960's, breastfeeding outcomes, both initiation of breastfeeding and breastfeeding duration, were at an all-time low. Over the past half century, breastfeeding outcomes have increased among all OECD countries, but at very different rates. This dissertation examines both the policy-level and public health-level initiatives that have affected the differential growth of breastfeeding rates among 18 high-income, OECD countries. Using a combination of multiple regression, fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, and small-n methods, I find that countries in the broad Scandinavian welfare regime have combined policy support for women's reproductive and productive labor, along with a strong female representation in government to facilitate positive breastfeeding outcomes. I find that countries who have a strong commitment to the World Health Organization's Baby-Friendly Hospital Initiative have higher breastfeeding initiation rates than countries who do not have a high percentage of hospitals following the WHO protocol. This dissertation adds to the broader understanding of how welfare state policies and public health initiatives operate in tandem to support positive breastfeeding outcomes among high-income countries.

In this study we have investigated fertility levels during periods of unusually high unemployment levels. Our research questions were: 1. To what extent does fertility levels change during periods of higher unemployment? 2. Can family policies affect changes of fertility levels during these periods? Our hypothesis states that firstly, fertility levels are expected to be lower during periods of higher unemployment, due to households perceiving a lower level of economic security. Secondly, effective family policies should counter this effect, making unemployment having less of an effect on household fertility decisions, due to family policy lowering the economic risks associated with having a child. We performed an analysis in two parts. In the first part we divided countries into groups based on which countries had experienced a period of higher unemployment, and which countries had more or less generous family policies. The second part of our analysis was a regression analysis of TFR, unemployment and family policy variables. The results were in line with our first hypothesis: In our first analysis, the group of countries that were experiencing a period of higher unemployment also had a more negative development of fertility. In our regression analysis, we could observe a negative relationship between unemployment and fertility. On the other hand, our results could not support our second hypothesis: No individual family policy could be found to change the effect of unemployment on fertility levels.

This study focuses on the effects of the cash for care policy (CFC, in Swedish vårdnadsbidrag) on female employment in Sweden. The CFC was introduced in Sweden in 2008. It consists of a flat-rate sum paid by the municipalities to parents of children between age one and three, who decide to provide care for their children and do not use publicly subsidized daycare. The policy has been the object of heated political and social debates. The main object of the reform is increasing parents’ “freedom to choose”, but the policy is also feared to be a “housewife trap” by those opposing the reform. The study provides an overview of the use of CFC during the first years since its introduction, and an estimate of short-term effects of the use of CFC on female employment. Since it is voluntary for the municipalities to adopt the policy, municipalities have been analyzed as in a quasi-experiment, where some have been “treated” with the CFC policy, and some have not. First, female employment trends in similar types of treated and control municipalities were compared. Secondly, linear regressions were used to estimate the effects of the CFC policy on changes in female employment rates after the introduction of the policy, controlling for various characteristics of the municipalities such as: urban/rural areas, shares of highly educated women, shares of low educated women, shares of foreign-born women, total fertility rates. The study shows that, in general, the municipalities that offered the policy had higher female employment rates than the municipalities that did not offer it. Nevertheless, in rural areas the adoption of CFC had negative effects on female employment. On average, in rural areas female employment growth rates relative to years 2007-2012 in municipalities offering the policy were 2.42 percentage points lower than in control municipalities, all else being equal. Negative effects of CFC on female employment in municipalities with high shares of low educated women, high shares of foreign-born women and high fertility rates were not confirmed. The CFC policy has been recently adopted, mostly in urban municipalities and the proportion of parents that used CFC has been relatively low. Long terms effects of CFC on female employment will likely be dependent on whether the policy will be more widely used in the future and where.

Mentorship is a critical component of a graduate education and facilitates the process of socialization into the role of professorship. Numerous studies continue to support the idea that mentorship, particularly woman-to-woman mentoring, is essential for overcoming barriers to women’s mobility within male-dominated fields. This study critically examines this assumption through the analysis of 59 qualitative interviews with faculty mentors and graduate students in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics conducted at one Canadian and one American institution. Initially, I explore how mothers in academe are socialized from differing levels to fit into narrowly defined roles as “good” professors. This expands our conceptualization of a motherhood penalty to include more subtle discrimination and illuminates the complexity within which motherhood is embedded in work organizations and reproduced through interaction (including mentorship). By following a comparison of the relational dynamics of women graduate students in same-gender and cross-gender iv mentorships, the overwhelming conclusion is that both men and women as faculty mentors are capable of socializing their students in ways that have potential to transform the academic institution regarding gender equity. Still, many examples of how mentoring alternately functions to perpetuate inequities exist. Finally, a crossnational analysis allowed exploration of institutional contexts and how they influence the ways in which mentors model balance. In contexts where family leave is institutionalized (i.e. Canada), conflict between work and family life should be lessened. Given this assumption, we should see a distinct separation of experiences between Canadian and American academics. In reality, these boundaries are more blurred. This finding implies that despite differences in levels of support formally offered to families through policy initiatives, professional barriers experienced by academics prevent the type of substantive benefits they are meant to afford. In practice, faculty mentors remain wedded to ideal worker models rooted in the masculine work ethics of their professions regardless of institutionalized family policies, thereby perpetuating inequality through mentorship. This, in turn, prevents institutional change. In summary, this study contributes to theoretical models of gendered institutions; advances understanding of the tenacity of gender inequality in academia; and informs university policies related to mentoring practices and workfamily policies.

The objective of this research was to contribute to the discussion about LGBT-rights in Swedish politics. Some previous findings suggested that one political party in particular, the Swedish Democrats, had an opposing stance towards LGBT-persons. To investigate this, the first research question aimed to find out if there are in fact any notable differences between the different parties in the Swedish parliament in this regard. The second research question was designed in order to examine all related opinions of the parties in the light of positive and negative freedom. The third research question aimed to find out how the attitudes from the political parties could be understood within a perspective of tolerance. The analytical framework is based on the concept of tolerance, and the concepts of positive and negative freedom which were originally developed by Isiah Berlin. The study is a qualitative text-analysis with an abductive approach. Argumentation analysis has been applied when suitable. The study found that the Swedish Democrats was the most restrictive party in this context. Moreover, the studied policies were found to have characteristics of both negative and positive freedom, and they were generally approved upon by the political parties. Lastly, the Swedish Democrats and the Christian Democrats were argued to be tolerant towards these LGBT-policies, even though the policies were mostly disliked due to moral clashes against their core family values.

The aim of this dissertation is to explore various dimensions of work–life balance in Europe. I examine the extent to which institutional factors, working conditions and individual resources influence individuals’ capabilities to have a family and engage in family life. The theoretical framework is inspired by Amartya Sen’s capability framework, a multi-dimensional approach that provides a deeper understanding of the relationship between institutional contexts and individual capabilities. Four studies have been conducted. The first study focuses on women’s short-term childbearing intentions in ten European countries and finds that the association between such intentions and economic uncertainties varies by the policy support for work-family reconciliation in the country as well as individual factors, such as her educational level, and her number of children. The second study addresses the impact of family-friendly working conditions on young adult women’s childbearing behaviour in Sweden, showing the importance of family-friendly working condition for the transition to motherhood of less educated childless women with low income, and for second births of low educated mothers. The third study analyses gender differences in perceived work–home conflict in ten European countries, and the importance of work-family policies and gender norms. I find that gender differences are more pronounced in countries with weaker support for work-family reconciliation and more traditional gender norms. The fourth study focuses on tensions between work and family demands that parents in Hungary and Sweden experience, and on their capabilities to make claims for work–life balance. We find greater agency inequalities for Hungarian parents for claims making for and achievement of work-life balance, in contrast to a strong sense of entitlement to exercise rights to care among Swedish parents, which reflect country variations in policy supports for work−life balance, working time regimes and social norms regarding work and care. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Submitted. Paper 2: Submitted. Paper 3: Submitted.</p>

This thesis studies different aspects of reproductive behaviour on the international, national, and local levels in post-communist countries. The main focus is Ukraine, where fertility rates are very low and the population is in severe decline. The studies contribute new knowledge about the applicability of a family policy typology developed on the basis of Western countries’ experience for post-communist countries, and about the influence of family policies on fertility levels in these countries. Moreover, the studies investigate whether and how macro-level influences impact on individuals’ reproductive behaviour. Four articles are included in the thesis: Family policies in Ukraine and Russia in comparative perspective analyses the institutional set-up of family policies in both countries and compares the findings to 31 other countries. The results show that Ukrainian family policies support a male-breadwinner type of family, while the benefit levels of Russian family policies are low, compelling families to rely on relatives or the childcare market. Family policies and fertility - Examining the link between family policy institutions and fertility rates in 33 countries 1995-2010 comparatively explores whether family policies have an effect on fertility rates across the case-countries. Pooled time-series regression analysis demonstrates that gender-egalitarian family policies are connected to higher fertility rates, but that this effect is smaller at higher rates of female labour force participation. To have or not to have a child? Perceived constraints on childbearing in a lowest-low fertility context investigates the influence of the perception of postmodern values, childcare availability and environmental pollution on individuals’ fertility intentions in a city in Eastern Ukraine. It is shown that women who already have a child perceive environmental pollution as a constraint on their fertility intentions. Prevalence and correlates of the use of contraceptive methods by women in Ukraine in 1999 and 2007 examines changes in the prevalence and the correlates of the use of contraceptive methods. The use of modern contraceptive methods increased during the period and the use of traditional methods decreased, while the overall prevalence did not change. Higher exposure to messages about family planning in the media is correlated with the use of modern contraceptive methods.

This paper examines fertility and family policies in 15 Central and East European (CEE) countries to establish firstly, likely directions of cohort fertility trends for the coming decade; and secondly, to provide an overview and analysis of family policies in CEE countries, and to assess their impact on cohort fertility trends. Demographic analysis suggests that the cohort fertility decline of the 1960s cohorts is likely to continue at least among the 1970s birth cohorts; stagnation cannot be ruled out. Births that were postponed by women born in the 1970s were not being replaced in sufficient numbers for cohort fertility to increase in the foreseeable future, and shares of low parity women (childless and one child) were larger than shares of high parity women among the late 1960s cohorts than in older cohorts. Also, childbearing postponement which started in the 1990s is reflected in dramatic changes of childbearing age patterns. As period fertility rates have been increasing in the late 2000s throughout the region an impression of a fertility recovery has been created, however the findings of this project indicate that no such widespread childbearing recovery is underway. For the first time ever an overview and analysis of CEE family policies is conceptualized in this paper. It demonstrates that fertility trends and family policies are a matter of serious concern throughout the region. The following family policy types have been identified: comprehensive family policy model; pro-natalist policies model; temporary male bread-winner model; and conventional family policies model. The majority of family policies in CEE countries suffer from a variety of shortcomings that impede them from generating enhanced family welfare and from providing conditions for cohort fertility to increase. The likely further decline of cohort fertility, or its stagnation, may entail long-term demographic as well as other societal consequences, such as continuous declines in total population numbers, changes in age structures, as well as implications for health and social security costs.

<p>U poslednjih tridesetak godina do&scaron;lo je do<br />značajnog napretka u ostvarivanju rodne<br />ravnopravnosti i prava žena na svetskom<br />nivou. Međutim, rodni jaz u oblasti<br />ekonomske i političke ravnopravnosti jo&scaron;<br />predstavlja poseban izazov za globalni<br />razvoj, ravnopravnu raspodelu resursa, kao i<br />sprečavanje rodno zasnovanog nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Položaj žena u Srbiji prati<br />pokazatelje na svetskom nivou i bez obzira<br />na socijalističko nasleđe, uče&scaron;će žena u javnoj<br />sferi rada i politike jo&scaron; uvek je veliki izazov<br />za razvoj i modernizaciju dru&scaron;tva, kao i za<br />feminističku teoriju i praksu.<br />U teorijskom smislu teza se oslanja na<br />feminističku kritiku koncepta liberalnog<br />građanstva i rodne podele rada na javnu<br />sferu koja pripada mu&scaron;karcima, i privatnu<br />koja pripada ženama. Praktične posledice<br />ove podele utiču na položaj žena u javnoj, ali i<br />privatnoj sferi, uživanje prava na<br />ravnopravnost, život bez nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Upravo zato je tranformacija<br />rodnog režima u sferi privatnosti i porodice<br />poseban izazov za sve aktere koji učestvuju u<br />kreiranju javnih politika, jer mogu da utiču<br />na menjanje patrijahalnih rodnih uloga i<br />obrazaca, ali i na njihovo jačanje. Stoga<br />politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju važan<br />predmet proučavanja rodnih teorija i<br />feminističke prakse, posebno u kontekstu<br />slabljenja države blagostanja i redefinisanja<br />koncepta nege u globalnoj ekonomiji.<br />U radu ispitujem načine na koji javne politike<br />i zakonodavstvo u Srbiji od 2000. do 2014.<br />reguli&scaron;u rodne odnose u domenu porodičnog<br />života i na koji način te intervencije</p><p>doprinose rodnoj ravnopravnosti, odnosno<br />smanjenju rodne diskriminacije. Promene u<br />diskursu i praksi politika podr&scaron;ke porodici<br />posmatram u periodu od četrnaest godina<br />(2000‒2014), koji predstavlja početni period<br />dru&scaron;tvene, političke i ekonomske tranzicije u<br />Srbiji koja je diskurzivno neodvojiva od<br />evropskih integracija.<br />Politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju<br />strate&scaron;ke i zakonske mere kojima se reguli&scaron;e<br />i olak&scaron;ava roditeljstvo i briga o zavisnim<br />članovima porodice (finansijske olak&scaron;ice za<br />porodice sa decom, ostvarivanje prava i<br />pristup različitim servisima brige i nege), kao<br />i mere koje reguli&scaron;u trži&scaron;te rada kako bi se<br />povećala zaposlenost i za&scaron;titile porodice sa<br />decom od nezaposlenosti i siroma&scaron;tva<br />(posebna za&scaron;tita trudnica, porodilja i majki<br />sa decom, usklađivanje porodičnog i<br />poslovnog života, roditeljsko odsustvo zbog<br />brige o detetu, fleksibilni oblici rada, ali i<br />mere zapo&scaron;ljavanja te&scaron;ko zapo&scaron;ljivih<br />kategorija stanovni&scaron;tva u oblasti nege).<br />U radu zastupam tezu da se proces<br />formulisanja pravnog i strate&scaron;kog okvira<br />politika podr&scaron;ke porodici nalazi pod uticajem<br />nekoliko faktora. Ti faktori su, pre svega,<br />globalna neoliberalna ekonomska, dru&scaron;tvena<br />i politička tranzicija od države blagostanja ka<br />državi rada, kao i odgovora regionalnih<br />(Evropska unija), odnosno<br />lokalnih/poluperiferijskih (Srbija) rodnih<br />režima na ove procese. Stoga je fokus rodne<br />analize politika podr&scaron;ke porodici na<br />potencijalnom &bdquo;iskrivljavanju i pro&scaron;irivanju&rdquo;<br />značenja rodne ravnopravnosti (Lombardo<br />et al., 2009), kao i u mehanizmima<br />uključenosti i isključenosti &bdquo;glasa&ldquo; pojedinih<br />aktera u proces odlučivanja o specifičnim<br />okvirima ovih politika.<br />Takođe, kreiranje javnih politika u privatnoj<br />sferi posmatram i u okviru primene koncepta<br />interesekcionalnosti (Crenshaw 1989) i<br />kritičkih studija maskuliniteta (Hearn 2004).<br />U istraživanju posebnu pažnju posvećujem<br />preduslovima i kriterijumima primene<br />strategije urodnjavanja u kreiranju javnih<br />politika (Verloo 2001). Kritički se osvrćem na<br />recepciju i primenu strategije urodnjavanja u</p><p>Srbiji, imajući u vidu njen transformativni<br />potencijal s jedne strane, a sa druge<br />tehnokratsko-birokratski pristup kreatora<br />politika i donosilaca odluka.<br />U disertaciji posebno analiziram ko-optiranje<br />urodnjavanja sa drugim ciljevima javnih<br />politika koje često ne moraju imati za cilj<br />rodnu ravnopravnost, već na primer,<br />konkurentnost na trži&scaron;tu rada ili povećanje<br />stope nataliteta. Primenu urodnjavanja<br />analizirala sam u okviru koncepta državnog<br />feminizma (MacBride and Mazur 2010) i<br />procesa evropeizacije, a u kontekstu postkonfliktnog,<br />post-socijalističkog dru&scaron;tva<br />poluperiferije u Srbiji (Blagojević 2009).<br />Disertacija nudi uvid u procese, institucije i<br />kriterijume koje je potrebno ispuniti kako bi<br />se tranformisali rodni režimi i otklonila<br />rodna diskriminacija i u privatnoj i javnoj<br />sferi. Rezultati istraživanja mogu biti od<br />koristi donosiocima odluka i kreatorima<br />politika u primeni informisanih odluka<br />prilikom uobličavanja politika podr&scaron;ke<br />porodici u Srbiji.</p> / <p>Over the past thirty years there has been<br />significant progress in achieving gender<br />equality and women&#39;s rights world-wide.<br />However, the gender gap in the area of<br />economic and political equality still poses a<br />special challenge to global development, the<br />equal distribution of resources, and the<br />prevention of gender-based violence and<br />discrimination. The position of women in<br />Serbia is part of this global trend and<br />regardless of socialist history, women&#39;s<br />participation in the public sphere of work and<br />politics is still a major challenge for the<br />development and modernization of society, as<br />well as for feminist theory and practice.<br />Theoretically, the thesis relies on a feminist<br />critique of the concept of liberal citizenship<br />and the gender division of labor, where the<br />public sphere is belonging to men, and private<br />to women. The practical consequences of this<br />division affect the position of women in the<br />public as well as the private sphere, the<br />enjoyment of the right to equality, life without<br />violence and discrimination. That is precisely<br />why the transformation of the gender regime<br />in the sphere of privacy and family is a<br />particular challenge for all actors involved in<br />the creation of public policies, as they can<br />influence the changing or strengthening of<br />patriarchal gender roles and patterns.<br />Therefore, family support policies are an<br />important subject of the study of gender<br />theories and feminist practice, especially in<br />the context of the weakening of the welfare<br />state and the redefinition of the concept of<br />care in the global economy.<br />In the thesis, I am examining the ways in</p><p>which public policies and legislation in Serbia<br />regulate gender relations in the domain of<br />family life from 2000 to 2014 and how these<br />interventions contribute to gender equality<br />and to the reduction of gender discrimination.<br />I study changes in discourse and practice of<br />family policies for a period of fourteen years<br />(2000-2014), which represents the beginning<br />of social, political and economic transition in<br />Serbia that is discursively inseparable from<br />European integration.<br />Family policies are strategic and legal<br />measures that regulate and facilitate<br />parenting and care for dependent family<br />members (financial relief for families with<br />children, exercising rights and access to<br />various care and care services), as well as<br />measures regulating the labor market to<br />increase employment and protection of<br />families with children from unemployment<br />and poverty (special protection of pregnant<br />women, maternity and mothers with children,<br />reconciliation of family and work life, parental<br />leave due to child care, flexible working<br />practices, as well as employment measures of<br />hard-to-employ categories of population in<br />the field of care).<br />In the dissertation, I argue that the process of<br />formulating the legal and strategic framework<br />of family policies in Serbia is under the<br />influence of several factors. These factors are,<br />above all, a global neoliberal economic, social<br />and political transition from the welfare state<br />to the workfare state, as well as the responses<br />of regional (European Union) and local /<br />semi-peripherial (Serbia) gender regimes to<br />these processes. Therefore, the focus of<br />gender analysis in the dissertation is the<br />family policy of supporting the family in the<br />potential &quot;stretching and bending&quot; of the<br />meaning of gender equality (Lombardo et al.,<br />2009), as well as in the mechanisms of<br />inclusion and exclusion of the &quot;voice&quot; of<br />individual actors in the decision-making<br />process on the specific frameworks of these<br />policies. Also, the creation of public policies in<br />the private sphere is also seen within the<br />theoretical framework and practical<br />application of the concept of intersectionality</p><p>(Crenshaw, 1989) and critical studies of men<br />and masculinity (Hearn, 2004).<br />In the dissertation, special attention is paid to<br />the preconditions and criteria of successful<br />implementation of the gender mainstreaming<br />in the creation of public policies (Verloo,<br />2001). It reflects critically on the reception<br />and implementation of the gender<br />mainstreaming in Serbia, bearing in mind its<br />transformative potential on the one hand, and<br />on the other, the technocratic-bureaucratic<br />approach of policymakers and decisionmakers.<br />In particular, the dissertation analyzes the cooption<br />of gender mainstreaming with other<br />policy outcomes that often do not have to<br />have as a goal gender equality, but for<br />example, labor market competitiveness or an<br />increase in the birth rate. Successful<br />application of the gender mainstraming was<br />specifically analyzed within the concept of<br />state feminism (MacBride and Mazur, 2010),<br />the process of EU accession, and in the context<br />of the post-conflict, post-socialist semiperiphery<br />society in Serbia (Blagojević, 2009).<br />The ultimate goal of the research is to support<br />decision-makers and policy makers in<br />implementing informed decisions when<br />shaping family policies in Serbia. At the same<br />time, the disertation offers a useful insight<br />into the processes, institutions and criteria<br />that need to be met in order to transform the<br />gender regimes and eliminate gender<br />discrimination in the private and public<br />sphere.</p>

The Polish Law and Justice party has initiated domestic policies and regulations that challenge women’s rights. Poland is a member of the European Union where the gender inequality issues have never had such a high priority before and the union is currently operating under the Gender Mainstreaming strategy alongside with additional approaches. The two folded aim of this thesis is to create an understanding on how the Polish politicalauthorities can present backsliding tendencies of women’s rights by studying how thedomestic political institutions frame gender equality policies and Gender Mainstreaming followed by how the Polish political agents can legitimize the framings and implementations to the Polish society through the public discourse. A qualitative discourse analysis will be applied on materials from the EU, Polish politicalprograms and secondary sources such as news articles. The empirical findings suggest that the backsliding is part of a non-linear process where the Polish framing and implementation of policies on gender equality both converge and diverge from the EU. In the latest years, an incremental process of backsliding tendencies has appeared. As for the political discourse, the gender equality policies often end up in the background, overruled by pro-family policies. Also, the inadequate implementations and domestic framings is legitimized by the referencesto the foundational ideas of Polish society, where the EU challenges the traditional familywith “harmful gender ideologies”.