The growth of antislavery sentiment during this era had origins traceable to several aspects of life in revolutionary America. The two most important were the philosophical basis of the revolution and the evolving economic situation, both of which worked together to destroy slavery in the northern and middle states and to restrict it in the South.

James Madison wrote four accounts of faction, the most public and famous of which was Federalist 10. By examining all four accounts, I undertake to develop a more capacious understanding of the design and purpose of Madison’s vision for American constitutional politics than can be extracted from an examination of Federalist 10 alone. I attempt to collate the unique insights of each account of faction into a coherent unity, with special attention to Madison’s rhetoric. I conclude that the three least famous accounts of faction, correctly read, perfect and extend the account in Federalist 10 by offering a more candid window into Madison’s thought on human beings and the political life for which he thought them fit. / text

This dissertation describes instability as a problem with a variety of sources and explains Publius' contribution to understanding the importance of these problems for politics and political theory. Using the Federalist and Publius' reading in political theory, history, and politics to ground my analysis, I explain the concept of instability as a multi-faceted problem that requires different solutions. I show that instability arises from one or a combination of four distinct notions: stasis or factional conflict, corruption, the mutability of the laws, and changing global conditions. My dissertation suggests that one of the primary goals of ancient and modern democracies was to solve the political challenges posed by instability. I further argue that the sources of instability remain relevant because they allow us to describe the problem of instability in a way that is theoretically and practically useful for understanding the role that democracy plays in addressing them. Finally, I suggest that describing and addressing the patterns of instability were central to Publius' interpretation of history and political theory and that recognizing and tackling these patterns are a part of the scope of modern political science and are central to the study of democratic politics. / Dissertation

The field of rhetoric has recently begun to position the Sophists as an integral part of the history of the discipline. Sophistic influence has been acknowledged in other fields as well, particularly philosophy and literary theory; however, Sophistic influence on political theory has been virtually ignored. This thesis examines the epistemology of the Sophists within the context of the debates of ancient Greece, and illustrates the connections between Sophistic thought and the ideology behind the structuring of the American federal government. Specific connections are made between the epistemology of the Sophists and that expressed in The Federalist, as well as that of earlier political theorists Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. / Department of English

The Federalist Society, acting as a Political Epistemic Network, has effectively employed a long-term strategy to engineer a Supreme Court that propagates conservative legal ideology. The organizational structure of the Federalist Society finds, recruits, and retain members who will wield the organizational strategies of the organizations to achieve policy outcomes not just for members of the organization, but for the greater population. This thesis demonstrates a clear relationship between the long-term ideological and institutional influence of the Federalist Society and the U.S. Supreme Court. This significant relationship poses a fundamental threat to the execution of equal protection under the law and an erosion of democratic norms. This thesis proposes possible legislative and constitutional remedies to counter the increasing polarization of the Supreme Court, including proposed reforms such as term limits and restructuring the court which could make inroads to promoting neutrality on the Court and re-establishing a greater degree of public trust. / Master of Arts / The modern Supreme Court must contend with an unprecedented degree of outside influence from ideologically driven special interest groups. Since 1982, there is no outside special interest group of more consequence than the Federalist Society. Modern special interest groups can boast deeper financial reserves, decades of relationship with policy makers, and ideological motivations that are not simply deeply held, but singularly motivating. This is particularly true for the Federalist Society. The conservative legal movement has effectively employed a long-term strategy to shape the Court in its own image, minimizing a reliance on an electorate that is more diverse and historically less likely to embrace conservative principles. Above any other political ally or mechanism, that strategy and its implementation has relied on the commitment, financing, and participation of the Federalist Society. This thesis examines the breadth and consequences of the Federalist Society's influence on the modern Court and proposes theoretical reforms that could help ensure a more ideologically balanced court.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:27:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem a intenção de investigar as formas pelas quais a vida em liberdade foi construída pelos indivíduos oriundos do cativeiro, tomando como locus de observação o município de São Francisco de Paula, no nordeste do Rio Grande do Sul, durante as duas décadas finais do século XIX. Nesta localidade serrana, investiguei aspectos como moradia, relacionamento com os antigos senhores, tutela de menores, trabalho, criminalidade, engajamento militar e os nomes adotados pelos ex-cativos na vida em liberdade, como algumas vias de acesso aos complexos caminhos pelos quais se deu sua inserção, em novos parâmetros, na sociedade em que viviam / This paper intends to investigate the forms through which free life was built by former slaves, taking as locus the city of São Francisco de Paula, in the northeast of Rio Grande do Sul, during the two final decades of the 19th century. In this city,located in the highlands, I investigated subjects such as residence, relationship with the old masters, child tutelage, work, criminality, military engagement, and the names adopted by former slaves in free life as some of the means of access to the complex ways through which their insertion in their society was, under new parameters, made possible

This paper examines contemporary American politics through the lens of The Federalist Papers, focusing on two specific issues: factionalism as addressed in Federalist Papers 9-10 and taxation, the subject of Federalist Papers 30-36.

This research assesses how political legislation served as the catalyst in the transformation of Massachusetts through four specific economic stages from 1763 to 1825: fishing, privateering, global maritime commerce, and textile manufacturing. The objective of this analysis is to examine how politics forced coastal merchants to invest their commercial wealth into the burgeoning interior textile industry of the New England hinterland. Vance's mercantile model best explains European settlement of New England since multiple communities developed along the Atlantic coastline of the Massachusetts Bay region. Boston, Salem, and Newburyport emerged as entrepots, which acted as intermediaries between Europe and the frontier. The methodology analyzes academic texts by historical geographers and on-site research through shiplogs in the archives at the Peabody Essex Museum in Salem, Massachusetts. Merchant acumen, venture capital, and British technology transformed Massachusetts from the golden age of shipping to the birth of the industrial revolution in North America.

Zugl.: Bamberg, Univ., Diss., 2007

When observing the values which repeatedly appear in early American literature, we encounter ideas such as liberty, freedom, or the importance of the individual, but while property and ownership are often also core ideas and motivations for many Americans, their appearance is much more limited and excluded from certain contexts. However, property was always a key issue and economic profitability was always considered as foremost both on political and individual level. This can be seen all throughout American history since its beginning until the present, yet there is the curious trend of downplaying the importance of property in politically oriented text. While no one questioned its value in the past, Americans outwardly replaced property with liberty. Nevertheless, its importance cannot be hidden so easily and through careful examination it is shown as being understood as a pre-requisite of freedom and security, even as it is never the central focus of any major early American political text. This thesis explores the concept of property in the context of early American political writing in the area between eighteenth and nineteenth century; drawing from texts such as the Declaration of Independence, The Federalist, The Anti-Federalist Papers, Common Sense and other contemporary political pamphlets...