Worker. Trade Agent. Serf. Etain Ixtii detests the labels others give her, but there are some things she must accept. She was genetically designed to do specific tasks. Her breeding instincts interrupt her life every forty-five days. But workers like Etain are taught not to question so when she returns from training questioning her home world Gno's profit-based caste system, she risks her life. She doesn't want to be an agent and doesn't want to cross through the wormhole to never return. Why does she have to go? Can't someone else? Usurer Serria, the owner of Etain's birth and training debt, quickly tires of her problem worker and launches Etain through a collapsing wormhole so she can collect the insurance payout. Very bad business indeed, but Etain manages to survive the attempt, arriving on the other side plagued by debilitating headaches and hounded by a dangerous insectoid enemy that no one, including Physician Leigheas Sternbow, the Takla royal physician, and Mercine Feney, the Empire's powerful female leader, can make disappear. / https://dc.etsu.edu/alumni_books/1028/thumbnail.jpg

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Pore scale interaction between matrix and fracture during miscible and immiscible CO2 injection was studied experimentally using visual models. Initially, visualization experiments were conducted on 2-D glass bead packed models by injecting n-heptane (solvent) displacing different kinds of processed oil. The focus was on the displacement patterns and solvent breakthrough controlled by matrix-fracture interaction and the pore scale behaviour of solvent-oil interaction for different fracture and injection conditions (rate, vertical vs. horizontal injection) as well as oil viscosity. Besides the visual investigation, effluent was also analyzed to calculate the solvent cut and oil recovery. Next, the process was modeled numerically using a commercial compositional simulator and the saturation distribution in the matrix was matched to the experimental data. The key parameters in the matching process were the effective diffusion coefficients and the longitudinal and transverse dispersivities. The diffusion coefficients were specified for each fluid and dispersivities were assigned into grid blocks separately for the fracture and the matrix. Finally, glass etched microfluidic models were used to investigate pore scale interaction between the matrix and the fracture. The models were prepared by etching homogeneous and heterogeneous micro scale pore patterns on glass sheets bonded together and then saturated with colored n-decane as the oleic phase. CO2 was injected at miscible and immiscible conditions. The focus was on visual pore scale analysis of miscibility, breakthrough of CO2 and oil/CO2 transfer between the matrix and the fracture under different miscibility, injection rate and wettability conditions. / Petroleum Engineering

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 473-513) / Microfiche. / ix, 513 leaves, bound 29 cm

Representations of Dutch contacts with coastal inhabitants of Africa, 1475-1652. Prior to 1996, South African Dutch studies had largely been determined by traditional rigid historical and geographic boundaries set in 1933. The framework exclusively focused on the period after the arrival of Van Riebeeck in 1652 to 1925 (when Afrikaans replaced Dutch as an official language) and on topics regarded as typically South African. Siegfried Huigen in 'De Weg naar Monomotapa' (1996) not only questioned these limitations but introduced a revised time frame including the period “about 1596 to 1652”. The revised framework has provided an opportunity to study texts prior to 1652 including both the earliest recorded Dutch contacts with the coastal inhabitants of Africa as well as the significant 1595 record of the initial Dutch cross-cultural encounters on the coast of Southern Africa. Where the role of the Dutch East India Company after 1602 had previously been considered foremost, the maritime forces of the Dutch States General and independent Dutch traders before 1602 and the activities of the Dutch West Indies Company after 1621 on the entire African coast had attracted little attention. Contact between the Dutch and coastal inhabitants of Africa and the textual representations of such contacts had contributed to a more extensive Dutch frame of reference than had previously been presumed. Previous assumptions attributing the nature of representations to the frequency and length of contacts had somehow not accounted for similar factors not influencing representations of coastal inhabitants elsewhere in Africa nor had the actual extent of the Dutch frame of reference been fully considered. Since the initial 1595 textual representation of Willem Lodewycksz describing the contact between the Dutch and Khoikhoi in Mossel Bay, the texts have had a profound influence on the South African discourse. Comparative studies of the initial representations and early 20th century compilations of the primary texts indicate that the elucidation prevalent in the more recent works has been the source of questionable interpretations and conclusions that have erroneously been attributed to the late sixteenth century seafaring scribes. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

The aim of this master’s degree essays is to analyse and compare the first-contact situations and means of communication as described in four different sagas including Legendary Sagas and Sagas of Icelanders, more specifically Vínlandsagas. Two additional papers on contacts and communication with indigenous people from the perspectives of Spanish conquistadores and Brittish settlers in Australia were reviewed to establish a baseline for behaviour in contact situations with unknown peoples. The analysis of both sagas and additional sources shows that neither of them focus in their description on communications tools and instead focus on the different behaviour of the indigenous people as observed by the settlers and conquistadores and on the actions and transactions with the indigenous peoples. / Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit war es, die Beschreibungen von Erstkontaktsituationen und Kommunikationsmitteln in vier verschiedenen Sagas zu vergleichen und zu analysieren. Zu diesem Zweck wurden Vorzeitsagas und Isländersagas, insbesondere Vínlandsagas untersucht. Zudem wurden zwei ergänzende Artikel zu Erstkontakten und Kommunikation mit indigenen Bevölkerungen aus der Sicht von spanischen Conquistadores und britischen Kolonisateuren in Australien aufgearbeitet, um eine Operationslinie für das Verhalten in Kontaktsituationen mit fremden Bevölkerungen zu haben. Die Analyse von sowohl Sagas als auch den ergänzenden Quellen zeigt, dass weder Sagas noch spätere Aufzeichnungen Beschreibungen der Kommunikationsmittel en detail erwähnen. Stattdessen liegt der Fokus auf dem vom eigenen abweichenden Verhalten und dem Umgang mit den indigenen Bevölkerungen.

"Warriors and Wanderers: Making Race in the Tasman World, 1769-1840" is an exploration of the development of racial thought in Australia and New Zealand from the period of first contact between British and the respective indigenous peoples to the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi. It analyses four groups of primary documents: the journals and published manuscripts of James Cook's Pacific voyages; An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales by David Collins published in 1798; documents written by and about Samuel Marsden, colonial chaplain in New South Wales and the father of the first mission to New Zealand; and the Reports from the British House of Commons Select Committee into the Treatment of Aborigines in the British Empire from 1835 to 1837. This study employs a transnational methodology and explores the early imperial history of the two countries as a Tasman world of imperial activity. It argues that ideas of human difference and racial thought had important material effects for the indigenous peoples of the region, and were critical to the design of colonial projects and ongoing relationships with both Maori and Aboriginal people, influencing the countries; and their national historiographies, right up to the present day. Part 1 examines the journals of James Cook's three Pacific voyages, and the ideas about Maori and Aboriginal people which were developed out them. The journals and published books of Cook's Pacific voyages depicted Maori as a warrior race living in hierarchical communities, people who were physically akin to Europeans and keen to interact with the voyagers, and who were understood to change their landscape as well as to defend their land, people who, I argue, were depicted as sovereign owners of their land. In Australia encounter was completely different, characterised by Aboriginal people's strategic use of withdrawal and observation, and British descriptions can be characterised as an ethnology of absence, with skin colour dominating documentation of Aboriginal people in the Endeavour voyage journals. Aboriginal withdrawal from encounter with the British signified to Banks that Aboriginal people had no defensive capability. Assumptions of low population numbers and that Aboriginal people did not change their landscape exacerbated this idea, and culminated in the concept that Aboriginal people were not sovereign owners of their country. Part 2 examines debates informing the decision to colonise the east coast of Australia through the evidence of Joseph Banks and James Matra to the British Government Committee on Transportation. The idea that Aboriginal people would not resist settlement was a feature not only of this expert evidence but dominated representation of the Sydney Eora community in David Collins's An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, such that Aboriginal attacks on the settlement were not said to be resistance. A report of the kidnapping of two Muriwhenua Maori men by Norfolk Island colonial authorities was also included in Collins Account, relaying to a British audience a Maori view of their own communities while also opening up further British knowledge of the resources New Zealand offered the empire. The connection with Maori communities facilitated by British kidnapping and subsequent visits by Maori chiefs to New South Wales encouraged the New South Wales colonial chaplain Samuel Marsden to lobby for a New Zealand mission, which was established in 1814, as discussed in Part 3. Marsden was a tireless advocate for Maori civilisation and religious instruction, while he argued that Aboriginal people could not be converted to Christianity. Part 3 explores Marsden's colonial career in the Tasman world, arguing that his divergent actions in the two communities shaped racial thought about the two communities of the two countries. It explores the crucial role of the chaplain's connection to the Australian colony, especially through his significant holdings of land and his relationships with individual Aboriginal children who he raised in his home, to his depiction of Aboriginal people and his assessment of their capacity as human beings. Evidence from missionary experience in New Zealand was central to the divergent depictions of Tasman world indigenous people in the Buxton Committee Reports produced in 1836 and 1837, which are analysed in Part 4. The Buxton Committee placed their conclusions about Maori and Aboriginal people within the context of British imperial activity around the globe. While the Buxton Committee stressed that all peoples were owners of their land, in the Tasman world evidence suggested that Aboriginal people did not use land in a way that would confer practical ownership rights. And while the Buxton Committee believed that Australia's race relations were a failure of British benevolent imperialism, they did not feel that colonial expansion could, or should be, halted. Evidence from New Zealand stressed that Maori independence was threatened by those seen to be "inappropriate" British imperial agents who came via Australia, reinforcing a discourse of separation between Australia and New Zealand that Marsden had first initiated. While the Buxton Committee had not advocated the negotiation of treaties, the idea that Maori sovereignty was too fragile to be sustained justified the British decision to negotiate a treaty with Maori just three years after the Select Committee delivered its final Report.

This dissertation analyzes seventeenth- and eighteenth-century French perceptions of the bodies of Indians in New France and Louisiana. It reveals that all French authors who visited New France in the early seventeenth century believed that human differences were mutable and, with instruction and land cultivation, Indians would physically and culturally assimilate into French colonial society---if Europeans did not degenerate from life in the wilderness first. Beginning in the late seventeenth century, missionary disillusionment, colonial projections of order and later Enlightenment concepts of natural rights and systems of nature prompted authors to reformulate these early perceptions. As Indians appeared unwilling or unable to adopt civilized manners, some authors concluded that natives did not possess the reason needed to do so. By the late eighteenth century, some colonial officials and European naturalists suggested that the physique and morals of North American Indians were not mutable but, instead, that Indians in French North America were permanently and essentially incapable of "improving" either their bodies or their minds. / Historians studying seventeenth- and eighteenth-century colonial perceptions of North American Indians have generally analyzed European depictions of Indians with twentieth-century understandings of human difference. By examining French perceptions of Indians with early modern understandings of the body, this thesis seeks to see natives through the eyes of the authors who described them. / The sources for this study include French travelogues and missionary accounts from New France and Louisiana which were published contemporaneously, correspondence and memoirs which have since been published and archived letters from colonial administrators writing from Canada and Louisiana.

This thesis examines the history of the Mi'kmaq people inhabiting Kmitkinag (Nova Scotia) and Unimaki (Cape Breton Island) from before contact to 1760. While contact precipitated change in Mi'kmaq society, the process was gradual, the result of the particular historical circumstances in which interactions between the two societies evolved. In the late seventeenth century, the Mi'kmaq established an alliance with the French Crown, made possible by previous social and economic relationships between Mi'kmaq families and French traders, fishermen and settlers. As European settlement increased and imperial rivalry in North America intensified in the eighteenth century, tensions emerged in the alliance, revealing the cultural differences between the Mi'kmaq and France's subjects. The thesis demonstrates that economic and political factors were more important than national identity in influencing the texture of Mi'kmaq-European relations.

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