Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Economics, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Texas, Dec., 2007. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1964. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 188-194).

The flight of two million anti-Bolshevik refugees from Russia's new Soviet regime during the late 1910s and early 1920s caused a major refugee crisis that was the first in twentieth-century Europe ultimately to require significant governmental intervention and resolution. Large international charitable organisations, especially from America, worked in Europe to administer a professional and scientific solution on the colossal post-war humanitarian emergency. However, among the Russian refugees were active members of the former Unions of Zemstva, Union of Towns and the Russian Society of the Red Cross who were able to pool their own considerable collective expertise to provide significant practical humanitarian aid as well as to advocate 'from the inside' for the rights of the refugees on the national and international stage. In the refugee camps of Constantinople the activists used multiple, often creative, methods to deliver relief aid while struggling with a limited budget and overwhelming numbers of needy refugees. In Paris, Zemgor, under the chairmanship of Prince G. E. L'vov, negotiated funding and international support for the exiled Russians, keeping the refugee crisis in plain sight of a sometimes impassive world. As refugees themselves, the professional and intellectual members of the former Russian public organisations were able to present and validate the unheard voices of the most vulnerable displaced people on a broad platform which began with, but was not limited to, emergency food aid in 1920-21.

Titled Foreign Things No Longer Foreign: How South Koreans Ate U.S. Food, my research investigates the ways in which surplus American food were familiarized in daily Korean life. When food such as wheat flour and powdered milk was largely alien to their diet before 1945, many Koreans encountered the new American food in free feeding stations, in school lunch programs, and as wages-in-kind by working in public construction programs, ran by varying actors such as the U.S. Operations Missions in Korea, South Korean central and provincial governments, and foreign voluntary agencies. By exploring different channels through which surplus American food was distributed, I argue that political factors were more crucial than economic and cultural aspects in making wheat flour and powdered milk popular in South Korea. The two main political factors were the changing purposes of U.S. foreign food assistance and the South Korean state’s use of the surplus food. The distribution channels of surplus American food tells us about a process of globalization that did not begin with market expansion, and also about the cultural and social transformations born out of these distributions. In addition to feeding the hungry, U.S. food programs funded the joint U.S.-South Korean military build-up against North Korea, and Food for Peace programs also helped building rural villages, reclaiming upland for farming, and establishing oyster and seaweed culture-fields in coastal areas. Instead of opting for development, requiring large capital investment, technological expertise, and machineries, these surplus food programs only used surplus American grains and unskilled Korean labor.

Thesis (M.A.A.S.) -- Air University, 2004. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on April 23, 2009). "June 2004." Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-105).

Typescript, etc. / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

How does respect for human rights affect the disbursement of food aid by US foreign policymakers? Scholars analyzing foreign aid generally look at only total economic aid, military aid or a combination of both. However, for a more nuanced understanding of human rights as a determinant of foreign aid, the discrete foreign aid programs must be examined. By disentangling component-programs from total aid, this analysis demonstrates how human rights influence policymakers by allowing them to distribute food aid to human rights abusing countries. Consequently, policymakers can promote strategic objectives with food aid, while legally restricted from distributing other aid. The primary theoretical argument, which links increasing human rights abuse with increasing food aid, is supported by results from a Heckman model. This procedure models the two-stage decision-making process where foreign policymakers first, select countries for aid and then, distribute aid to those selected.

Thesis (M.A.A.S.) -- Air University, 2004. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on April 24, 2009). "June 2004." Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-91).