Bibliography: leaves 86-90. / Involuntary resettlement due to planned economic interventions for the purpose of economic growth, is a political and socio-economic phenomenon. It is associated with development and poverty, as it affects livelihoods of those involved. This process impacts differently on different individuals, depending on their capability to regain earning and productive bases, to access support systems, as well as to access opportunities and widen choices that sustain their lives. The study investigates the assumption that their vulnerability, ineligibility for compensation provisions and lack of specific programmes to address their needs affect their capability to adjust in new areas. In view of this, the purpose of the study is to explore the impact of resettlement on vulnerable groups (the landless, unemployable aged and disabled). The overall objective is to highlight their situation, because of a concern for their long-term welfare, possible marginalisation from mainstream development and risk of poverty. The coverage involved vulnerable groups in stage one resettlement. A stratified sampling technique was employed to select 31 respondents who represent these groups. In the study, primary and secondary data were collected by making use of In-depth interviews, focus-group discussions and content analysis of related literature. A semi-structured schedule with open-ended questions was employed to gather information that was qualitatively manipulated. The findings suggest that the resettlement process has resulted in the disruption of support systems, limited opportunities in host areas, and inadequate restorative measures to sustain livelihoods of vulnerable groups. As a result, these groups are disempowered, marginalised and excluded from mainstream social and economic development, which compounds their risk of impoverishment.

Land ownership in South Africa has long been a source of conflict. The history of forced removals and a racially skewed distribution of land resources have left the new government, which took over in 1994, with a complex and difficult legacy. The new government has developed a land reform programme with three major elements to address the situation of landlessness, tenure insecurity and poverty among black people. The three major elements can be defined as follows: <ul> <li>The redistribution of land to the disadvantaged and poor for productive and residential purposes;</li> <li>Land restitution, which covers restitution of land to those who had been forcefully removed from land after 1913 as a result of racially discriminatory laws and practices and</li> <li>Tenure reform to those whose tenure of land is legally insecure.</li> </ul> The specific purpose of this study is to review the redistribution of land in terms of the implementation of the LRAD (Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development) Sub-programme, which was launched in August 2001. In the first few years of the delivery of LRAD (2001 to 2003), the sub-programme made substantial progress and the DLA (Department of Land Affairs) referred to LRAD as the DLA’s flagship redistribution sub-programme. However, according to academics (Hall, 2003 and 2004; Jacobs, 2003; Wegeriff, 2004 and Lahiff, 2003) and the media (Black Business Quarterly, 2006 and Business Report: Sunday Independent, 2006), the pace of the implementation of LRAD is also slow and the sustainability of many land redistribution projects is poor. The purpose of this study is to review the pace of implementation and the quality of projects transferred through the LRAD Sub-programme in Gauteng Province. Three main factors are identified in this study that contribute to the slow pace of land redistribution in terms of the LRAD Sub-programme. These factors are the bureaucratic processes that government follows to implement LRAD projects, the limited size of the LRAD grants and the formation of group projects. The mentioned critiques and the results of this study also show that there are a variety of factors that have an impact on the sustainability/quality of projects. These factors are: limited financing of projects, lack of start-up capital, lack of agricultural skills, poor design of projects, lack of post-transfer support, group dynamics, crime, and a disregard for environmental factors. To obtain the relevant research information for this study a variety of documents and books regarding land reform and the LRAD Sub-programme were reviewed. Additional information was obtained from the Agricultural Research Council (ARC) and AgriSA with regard to agriculture in Gauteng. Beneficiaries from a sample of 15 LRAD projects and three officials from the Gauteng Provincial Land Reform Office were also interviewed to get their opinions about the pace of implementation of redistribution of projects through the LRAD Sub-programme and also the sustainability of these programmes. The reason for studying land reform in Gauteng is because of its unique features of farming. One of the unique features is the fact that farmland in Gauteng consists mostly of small farms and plots, which are easier for beneficiaries to purchase by means of the limited-size LRAD grants than are big farms in Limpopo, North West, Northern Cape, etc. Other positive features are the good quality of agricultural land, the availability of output markets and supply of inputs. There are also a number of negative factors, which include the facts that 97% of province is urbanised, and that farmland is scarce and expensive. However, a detailed description of the study area is given in section 1.4. Eventually the conclusion was reached that the implementation of LRAD projects in Gauteng is indeed slow because of certain problems in the process of land transfer through the LRAD Sub-programme, the limited LRAD grants compared to the increased land prices and the size of group projects. The mentioned factors that have an impact on the sustainability of LRAD projects are also reviewed through the fieldwork and it has been discovered that it indeed has a big impact on the quality of these projects. The case studies provide a number of recommendations to address the factors impacting on the pace of land redistribution in the province and the factors impacting on sustainability. Some of the recommendations can be implemented by the Gauteng Provincial Land Reform Office itself. The other recommendations will need to be addressed nationally which can then have a positive influence on the delivery and the quality of the implementation of LRAD projects on a national basis as well. Copyright / Dissertation (MInst Agrar)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Agricultural Economics, Extension and Rural Development / unrestricted

No description available.

This thesis is about the Lutheran Churches' response to the forced removals which took place between 1968 and 1984 in Western Transvaal. Bills aimed at expropriating land from African people were passed through parliament from 1913 to 1984. These apartheid laws culminated in the fonnation of Bantustans where people of different nationalities among blacks were moved to. Among the Tswanas four villages in the Western Transvaal viz. Matlwang, Ga-Maloka, Botshabelo and Mogopa were moved between 1968 and 1984. The Lutheran Churches which were working in the four villages did not do much to help their members in time great need and distress. The villagers interviewed unanymously agreed that the Lutheran churches were silent during the time of the forced removals. The Lutheran churches in the world have a history of silence with regard to governments' unjust policies towards the people. Theologians and church leaders of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa (ELCSA) and its supporting mission society, the Rermannsburg Mission Society (HMS), the Lutheran Church in Southern Africa (LCSA) and its supporting mission society, the Lutheran Church Mission, agree that the doctrine of the Two Kingdoms was not responsible for the silence of the Lutheran Churches in South Africa. The Lutheran Churches have an opportunity to make up for their past mistakes by initiating and joining existing projects aimed at helping the marginalised communities of South Africa. Among other pressing needs in South Africa besides the preaching of the gospel one can count landlessness, unemployment, homelessness, poverty, hunger, diseases like HIV/AIDS, and counselling of the abused individuals in both in the urban and the rural areas to which those who were forcefully removed are returning. This work is presented to churches in general and to the Lutheran Churches in particular so that they can preach the gospel of Jesus Christ in a wholistic rather than a narrow way. Jesus was concerned about the poor, the captives, the blind, the sinners, the rulers and the oppressed. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1999.

<p>It has been over a century since African people were forcibly removed by official decree in 1901, from the Cape Town dockland barracks and District Six, to Uitvlugt, a farm where a location of corrugated iron &lsquo / huts&rsquo / had just been constructed. This occurrence followed an outbreak of a bubonic plague in Cape Town in 1901, which became predominant among the Africans who worked at the docks, and who were in direct and constant contact with the main carriers of the disease, i.e., the rats coming out of ships from Europe. The outbreak resulted in African being stigmatised as diseased, and being banished to the outskirts of the city. Since then, knowledge about this historical occurrence has been continuously produced, presented and communicated in many ways. It has featured in many representations through memory, heritage and history.In 1902, the new residents of Uitvlugt gave the location the name kwa-Ndabeni. Ndabeni was a nickname that the residents had given to Walter Stanford who had chaired the commission that recommended for the establishment of the location in 1901. The prefix kwa- was added to the name so that it meant in Xhosa language, the place of Ndabeni. In that way, the residents, who at that time did not consider the location as a potential place of their permanent abode, named it in a way that disassociated them from the place.</p>

<p>Much has been researched in South Africa about the trauma of losing one&rsquo / s home, one&rsquo / s community and rebuilding one&rsquo / s life in a new environment. Several books have been published tracking the lives of the forcibly removed and their responses to leaving District Six. My research focuses on a different group namely those who had been forcibly removed from the centre of Stellenbosch, called &ldquo / Die Vlakte&rdquo / during that time. Living and working with and among people who have experienced this removal, I was keen to research whether the impact of the trauma is currently&nbsp / manifesting in this specific community and if so, what the symptoms would be. This qualitative inquiry focuses on one particular individual, Mr. Hilton Biscombe. I selected him because he, who experienced the removal as a teenager, spent most of his later life determinedly collecting stories and documents relating to this incident. Mr. Biscombe is also the only person of whom I am aware who responded personally through compiling a book, making a DVD, writing poetry as well as an autobiography relating to this event. My inquiry into the ways trauma manifests in a narrative, will be based on two interviews: one conducted by a white man from the University of Stellenbosch thirty years after the event / and another interview, six years later, conducted by myself.Our understanding of trauma is usually associated with a death or injury or the possibility thereof, but it could also include the victim&rsquo / s response to extreme fear, serious harm or threat to&nbsp / family members. According to van der Merwe and Vienings, people also become traumatized when witnessing harm, physical violence or death or the sudden loss or destruction of a victim&rsquo / s home (van der Merwe &amp / Vienings, 2001). So the issue of trauma is not in question, nor the fact that forced removals cause trauma. I am exploring testimony in the form of interviews for possible current manifestations of this trauma thirty-six years down the line.</p>

<p>It has been over a century since African people were forcibly removed by official decree in 1901, from the Cape Town dockland barracks and District Six, to Uitvlugt, a farm where a location of corrugated iron &lsquo / huts&rsquo / had just been constructed. This occurrence followed an outbreak of a bubonic plague in Cape Town in 1901, which became predominant among the Africans who worked at the docks, and who were in direct and constant contact with the main carriers of the disease, i.e., the rats coming out of ships from Europe. The outbreak resulted in African being stigmatised as diseased, and being banished to the outskirts of the city. Since then, knowledge about this historical occurrence has been continuously produced, presented and communicated in many ways. It has featured in many representations through memory, heritage and history.In 1902, the new residents of Uitvlugt gave the location the name kwa-Ndabeni. Ndabeni was a nickname that the residents had given to Walter Stanford who had chaired the commission that recommended for the establishment of the location in 1901. The prefix kwa- was added to the name so that it meant in Xhosa language, the place of Ndabeni. In that way, the residents, who at that time did not consider the location as a potential place of their permanent abode, named it in a way that disassociated them from the place.</p>

<p>Much has been researched in South Africa about the trauma of losing one&rsquo / s home, one&rsquo / s community and rebuilding one&rsquo / s life in a new environment. Several books have been published tracking the lives of the forcibly removed and their responses to leaving District Six. My research focuses on a different group namely those who had been forcibly removed from the centre of Stellenbosch, called &ldquo / Die Vlakte&rdquo / during that time. Living and working with and among people who have experienced this removal, I was keen to research whether the impact of the trauma is currently&nbsp / manifesting in this specific community and if so, what the symptoms would be. This qualitative inquiry focuses on one particular individual, Mr. Hilton Biscombe. I selected him because he, who experienced the removal as a teenager, spent most of his later life determinedly collecting stories and documents relating to this incident. Mr. Biscombe is also the only person of whom I am aware who responded personally through compiling a book, making a DVD, writing poetry as well as an autobiography relating to this event. My inquiry into the ways trauma manifests in a narrative, will be based on two interviews: one conducted by a white man from the University of Stellenbosch thirty years after the event / and another interview, six years later, conducted by myself.Our understanding of trauma is usually associated with a death or injury or the possibility thereof, but it could also include the victim&rsquo / s response to extreme fear, serious harm or threat to&nbsp / family members. According to van der Merwe and Vienings, people also become traumatized when witnessing harm, physical violence or death or the sudden loss or destruction of a victim&rsquo / s home (van der Merwe &amp / Vienings, 2001). So the issue of trauma is not in question, nor the fact that forced removals cause trauma. I am exploring testimony in the form of interviews for possible current manifestations of this trauma thirty-six years down the line.</p>

This research focuses on policy networks as a framework to analyse the implementation of the South African Land Reform (Labour Tenant) Act 3 of 1996 (LTA) and the Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of 1997 (ESTA) more generally. In particular, this research looks at the Association for Rural Advancement’s (AFRA) implementation of the farm dwellers project, specifically, how this organisation has been using the policy networks approach to implement its farm dwellers project. The LTA and the ESTA guide the South African post-apartheid land reform programme. This programme responds to the racially-based system of land access created by colonialism and apartheid. It is against this system of land access that the post-apartheid, democratic government undertook a vast land reform programme, intended to redress the injustices of the past (Drimie 2003:39). The LTA and ESTA are situated within this perspective and their objectives were derived from an understanding that land reform has the potential to make a direct impact on poverty through targeted resource transfers and by addressing the economic and social injustices caused by colonial and apartheid dispossession. However, after sixteen years of democracy and policy implementation of the land reform programme, little progress has been made. This includes an undertaking in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) of 1994, which provided a set of guidelines and principles for the evolving land policy, to redistribute, by 2014 (extended from 1999), 30% of the 80% of commercial farmland (mostly white owned) to black South Africans and to make land reform the driving force of rural development (Drimie 2003:39). By March 2009, a total of 5.2% of the targeted 30% of commercial farmland has been transferred through the various land reform programmes (Kleinbooi 2009:1). Concerns have been raised that attribute this seeming failure of the land reform programme to the government’s market approach (Mkhize 2004). This has been sustained by the government’s shift from the RDP to Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR). AFRA, in its funding proposal of 1998-2000, has identified this shift as “disturbing because it implies that government’s economic and political direction is likely to result in reduced resources for rural and agricultural development, a shift which will impact hard on the already tough conditions of poverty that people live in.” From this understanding, this research hopes to establish that the seeming failure of the implementation of the South African land reform can be improved through a more effective utilisation of policy networks. More particularly, this research hopes to establish how AFRA has been using policy networks to implement its Farm Dwellers project from 1994 until today. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

Magister Artium - MA / South Africa