No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

Economic migration has become a global trend. The movement of people and goods within and beyond territorial boundaries is a phenomenon synonymous with the twentieth century. In the Southern African region, migratory processes were accelerated by the 19th century mineral discoveries in the Cape and Transvaal. Mozambique, particularly its southern regions, was drawn into the South African- dominated economy in a service capacity, as the supplier of migrant labour, principally for the Transvaal. The mineral wealth and the development it generated made South Africa the dominant economy in the region, drawing in migrant labour from surrounding states. Today, mining activities and the Transvaal are no longer the main attraction for many Mozambicans who enter South Africa, as they have spread throughout the country since the ending of apartheid. This study is focused on Durban, where a combination of push and pull factors continues to impel Mozambicans to arrive in search of economic opportunities. The majority, who are from the rural areas of the southern provinces, without education and formal qualifications, enter South Africa illegally and without documentation. Migrants use informal networks and the informal sector, as a means of overcoming the various obstacles to entry imposed by the states on both sides of the frontier, and their inability to compete for jobs in the formal sector. Economic and social integration of Mozambicans in Durban has evolved around informality and it can be argued that if the Mozambicans in this study have achieved a certain degree of integration, this has been due to successful mobilization of resources provided by informal networks and the informal sector. Linguistic affinities and geographical proximity also play a significant role in the process. The study looks at various informal economic opportunities exploited by Mozambicans, including an expanding cross border- trade based on high mobility between the two countries. It focuses mainly on the varied ways Mozambicans in Durban achieve a degree of economic and social integration. Literature and debates on international migration and on informality lay a foundation for the approach to the study, which is based on an historical overview of migration between the two states and fieldwork in Durban and southern Mozambique. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

This thesis explores the marketing of American capital goods in the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA).The Importance of capital goods to LAFTA development was discussed. Machinery used for the production of other products is Important since LAFTA must achieve self-sufficiency by providing products manufactured in LAFTA before a common market is established.The problems of regional Integration were analyzed. These problems must be resolved If the common market Is to be functional by 1985. This date was established at Punta del Este, Uruguay, In 1967 by the chief executives of all Latin American nations.'In order to determine how American firms are preparing for the Latin American common market a mailed questionnaire was sent to 100 manufacturers of seven categories of capital goods. The 42 responses were analyzed to determine if American manufacturers are preparing for regional integration.The conclusion is that American firms are not confident that there will be a Latin American Common Market and they are not actively assisting LAFTA nations to achieve self-sufficiency.

The AFL-CIO established and maintained a foreign affairs organization, independent of the U.S. State Department, between the years 1954 and 1962. It engaged in foreign affairs activities as a means to protect itself and its ideology from domestic and foreign interference, to maintain or enhance domestic power and to satisfy its leaders' interests. What were the union's foreign policy commitments? Why were these chosen and by whom? How were these policies implemented? How effective was the union in fulfilling its commitments?The purpose of this paper is to answer these questions using the AFLCIO's activities in support of the Algerian independence movement, 19541962, as the primary example. Algeria was chosen because American labor actions on behalf of Algerian independence clearly demonstrated labor's principal foreign policy, commitment, viz. anti-Communism, and illustrated two of the main components of this basic policy: ending colonialism and gaining allies for the West.The Algerian example demonstrated the lengths to which labor would go in its struggle against Communism. Algeria was not a colony but an integral part of France, much like Alaska is of the United States. However, because the AFL-CIO leaders feared Communist infiltration of Algeria, they refused to recognize Algeria's legal status and supported its secession from France.In support of independence, American labor used the full range of its foreign policy options, including direct assistance to Algerian trade States to urge France to surrender Algeria. Labor's pursuit of its policies in and for Algeria did not go smoothly. The U.S. continued to supportunionists and indirect assistance to the revolution by pressuring the United France. The French were unrelenting in their opposition to labor's activities. The Algerian nationalists refused to compromise their conditions for accepting direct aid from American labor. Even after Algeria achieved independence, American labor could not be sure it had accomplished its goals. Algeria outlawed the Communist Party but it also refused alignment with the West and muzzled its trade union. American labor had difficulty implementing its policies in Algeria because most American labor leaders held unrealistic expectations regarding the role of labor in independent Algeria.Since it is necessary to document the existence of a separate labor foreign policy organization, an historical sketch is included in this paper. Further, to understand the circumstances surrounding the Algerian independence movement which affect labor's and the U.S. State Department's attitudes and activities, it is useful to know the nature of the relationships among Algeria, France and the U.S. Another historical sketch accomplishes this.The paper demonstratesthat the AFL-CIO (between 1954 and 1962) maintained an independent foreign affairs organization which established and pursued foreign policies. These policies were determined by the AFLCIO leadership and were primarily directed toward combatting Communism by developing free democratic trade union(s). The Algerian example will show that the implementation of union policies yielded inconclusive results due to circumstances largely beyond the union's control, viz. Algeria's determination to become an unaligned nation and its unwillingness to permit its trade union to become a source of potential political and economic opposition.

This thesis principally studies the determination of UK export performance between the wars. Several improvements to the measurement of sterling's nominal and real effective exchange rate in the period are implemented, and the path of the exchange rate is related to UK and foreign exchange rate policies. The nature of competitiveness and the demand and supply mechanisms by which it may influence exports are discussed. In the light of this, and the commodity and geographical breakdown of UK exports, we suggest alternative measures of competitiveness which may appropriately be tested in econometric work. Aggregate UK export volume and price equations for the inter- war period are then estimated. Competitiveness, which is in turn influenced by the exchange rate, and the economic position of primary producing countries, are found to have had significant effects on UK export performance. Similarly specified equations are estimated for UK exports in eight industrial sectors. Distinctive characteristics of sectors may lead to substantial divergences between sectoral and aggregate behaviour. This is confirmed in further work on UK coal exports. Nevertheless, measures of the price of UK exports relative to the price of exports of other industrial countries generally give explanations of UK export performance which are superior to other competitiveness measures. A substantial statistical appendix containing data on, inter alia, UK and foreign exchange rates, trade volumes and values (with geographcial and commodity breakdown), labour costs and prices, together with the sources and methods used in their construction, is provided both for historical interest and to facilitate replication of results and further research.

During the 1860s, Chinese merchants reestablished their commercial organizations which are recorded as Guilds (hanghui) in the sources compiled under the guidance of the Qing local government officials. From the decade until the end of the 1880s, English sources emphasized the solidarity of the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants and their superiority to the British mercantile community in the commercial conflicts in which they were engaged. However, from the 1890s, English sources ceased to complain the strength of the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants, and, at the same time, Chinese sources emphasized the existence of a crisis in which Chinese merchants were losing their solidarity. Moreover, the Qing local government officials endeavoured to maintain their control over the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants, an attempt which led to the birth of Chinese chambers of commerce in the early twentieth century. Former studies, which dealt with the superiority of the Chinese merchants' organizations to the British mercantile firms in the 1860s and the 1870s, or the birth of the Chinese bourgeoisie and the activities of their commercial organizations in the early twentieth century, have not been able to reveal what happened in the commercial organizations of the Chinese merchants during the late nineteenth century. The solidarity of the Chinese merchant organizations was maintained by the rule that no one could claim the privilege of doing business without paying the Lijin tax imposed upon it, and the collapse of their solidarity began with when some Chinese compradors and merchants found it possible to do their business without keeping this rule by means of cooperating British mercantile firms, who enjoyed key privi- leges under the Treaties as regards non-payment of the Lijin tax and investment on the basis of limited liability. By intensively analyzing three commercial conflicts between prominent Chinese merchant organizations and British mercantile firms that took place in Shanghai between the end of the 1870s and the end of the 1880s, this study reveals how, and under what conditions some Chinese compradors and merchants could do their business without observing the afore-mentioned rule governing the Chinese merchants' organizations, what happened when British mercantile people became aware what their compradors or cooperative Chinese merchants had doing behind their back, and how these developments contributed to the end of the old-style merchant class, and the beginning of a bourgeoisie. By bringing these facts to the surface for analysis, this study shows a little known aspect of the Chinese society and tries on the basis to re-evaluate an aspect of concept of "China's response to the Western impact."

The purpose of this paper was to examine the impact that the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the Multilateral Trading System and whether by allowing regional trade agreements under the World Trade Organization rules, the members of the World Trade Organization have not unwittingly weakened the multilateral trading system. It also examined the effect the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the special and deferential treatment for developing countries within the system.

Thesis (MTech (Business))--Peninsula Technikon, Cape Town, 2002 / South Africa has long been a part of the region although it may be a new comer to some institutions established. One of the reasons why SADC was established was to reduce economic dependence on South Africa. The latter has since its first democratic elections been integrated into the region of South African Development Community which comprises of 14 members. South Africa commands an economy three times the size of all SADC economies. It is believed that the economic spread effects from integration with the South African economy will act as an engine of growth in the region. The effect of South Africa's economic dominant role on other SADC member states is a concern. The study seeks to determine the extent to which South Africa can be of assistance to other member States given its own internal problems such a unemployment and poverty. South Africa has a major role to play in terms of stabilising the region and given the expectations from the international community. It has vested interest in the region as it exports more than it imports from the region. The region has potential for investment opportunities and that is made impossible by political instability and political intolerance in the region. The SADC is faced with a serious question whether a member state can enter in the internal affairs of another member state whose internal activities adversely affect the economy of that particular country and that of other member states.

Orientador: Daniela Magalhães Prates / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T19:23:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sampaio_AdrianoVilela_D.pdf: 2098495 bytes, checksum: 97b2e5dd41a4628246438bde25c4a9e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Após a crise financeira global de 2008 muito se falou de reformas no sistema monetário internacional (SMI) como resultado das instabilidades ocorridas e da estagnação que se seguiu. Além disso, o acelerado crescimento experimentado pelos países periféricos no período anterior à crise em relação às economias centrais e a maior resiliência dos primeiros à crise de 2008 fez com que aumentasse o interesse pelo papel que estes poderiam desempenhar em tais mudanças. Esta tese busca analisar as duas questões levantadas acima, quais sejam, mudanças no SMI e o protagonismo dos países periféricos. O objetivo central é a análise das mudanças do SMI desde o fim da década de 1990 em função das estratégias defensivas adotadas pelos países periféricos, bem como as perspectivas de mudanças futuras. A hipótese que se busca verificar é se apesar da heterogeneidade existente entre eles, é possível identificar elementos comuns nas estratégias adotadas desde a década de 1990. Tais elementos indicariam a necessidade de buscar uma integração mais segura ao SMI e a busca por um sistema que os tornem menos suscetíveis a crises financeiras, que ampliem sua autonomia de política econômica e que tornem as condicionalidades das instituições internacionais menos restritivas / Abstract: After the 2008 global financial crises voices were raised to claim for reforms on the international monetary system (IMS) as a result of the instabilities and stagnation that followed. Moreover, the good economic performance of the peripheral countries in the period previous to the crisis in relation to the central countries and the resilience of the former to the 2008 crisis brought the interest of many researchers on the role these countries could play in such changes. This thesis deals with the two mentioned questions: changes on the IMS and the role of peripheral countries. The main objective is the analysis of the changes on the IMS since the end of the decade of 1990 in light of the defensive strategies adopted by peripheral countries, as well as the perspectives of further changes. The hypothesis is that despite the heterogeneity existing among them, it is possible to identify common elements on the adopted strategies since the 1990 decade. Such elements suggest the necessity of pursuing a more cautions integration to the IMS and the search for a system that could make them less vulnerable to financial crises, increases their autonomy of political economy and with international institutions that impose less restrictive policies / Doutorado / Teoria Economica / Doutor em Ciências Econômicas

As dit die doel van handel tussen die EU en Suider-Afrika is om ontwikkeling teweeg te bring, is dit eerstens nodig om te verstaan wat bedoel word met die konsep ontwikkeling en hoe dit beskryf word deur verskillende teorieë. Die aandag in hierdie studie sal slegs val op makroteorieë tot ontwikkeling, vanweë die belang daarvan vir die rol van handel in ontwikkeling. Die verskillende teorieë oor die verband tussen handel en ontwikkeling moet ook ondersoek word. Wat duidelik sal blyk, is dat handel wel ‘n rol het om te vervul in ontwikkeling, en veral armoede-uitwissing en ongelykhede bekamp, maar dat die tipe handelsverhouding bepalend is. Daar is in hoofsaak twee standpunte oor die rol van handel: dié wat vrye handel sien as ‘n bron vir ontwikkeling, en dié wat handel beskou as moontlike ‘n bron vir ontwikkeling, maar nie binne die huidige ekonomiese en politieke wêreldstruktuur nie. Die standpunte verskil dus oor die rol van vrye handel in ontwikkeling. Hierdie studie steun laasgenoemde standpunt; hierdie standpunt sal deurlopend in hierdie hoofstuk en ook breedweg in die verhandeling gemotiveer word (sien ook 2.4 hieronder). Die verskillende handelstrategieë wat gevolg kan word om ontwikkeling te bereik, sal ook bespreek word met oog op die relevansie daarvan vir die tipe handelsverhouding met die EU wat ontwikkeling in Suider-Afrika kan aanhelp. / Prof. C.J. Maritz