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<p>American IPE has traditionally marginalized the role that social forces, and particularly religion, have played in the construction of the international political economy. This dissertation is an examination into the foreign economic relations of the Republic of Indonesia from the perspective of the British school of International Political Economy (IPE). British IPE is used to critically assess what role, if any, the religion of Islam has had in the construction of Indonesia’s foreign economic relations. This research demonstrates that Islamic social forces have influenced the political debates that construct Indonesia’s foreign economic relationships. Mainstream Islamic organizations pushed the state to engage with international institutions of trade and finance throughout the pre-independence period when Indonesian national identity was being forged, as well as during the parliamentary democracy that followed independence, and into Sukarno’s “Guided Democracy.” The trend from the Suharto era to the early twenty-first has been the appropriation of Islamic discourse by the state to legitimize its economic policies of engagement with the international political economy. Firstly, this dissertation challenges the dismissal of religious social forces as a salient dimension of the international political economy that is implicit to the American school of IPE. Secondly, the findings of this dissertation challenge the narratives of mainstream International Relations (IR) theory that interprets political Islam as a destabilizing force in international order.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This dissertation addresses U.S. foreign aid as a policy problem and examines new avenues for future aid strategies. Contemporary scholars call for shifting the paradigm of world politics from power to a more economicoriented policy of "Cooperative Capitalism." They call to base US foreign policy on a system of "Global Partnership." In that vein this study argues that future aid policy should be reshaped and carried out as a comprehensive strategy that incorporates trade and aid activities. Such a policy will meet better American domestic and global interests. The dissertation examines aid and trade policies, the linkages between them, and their effect on LOCs' economic growth. The inquiry, conducted as a multiple case study, analyzes past and contemporary documentation concerning u.s. aid and foreign trade activities from 1945 to 1990. / Ph. D.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates both the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) that was signed into US law in May 2000 and the subsequent US Farm Bill, signed in May 2002. AGOA is a temporary, non-negotiated, non-reciprocal law by the USA to allow dutyfree and quota-free access to almost all products produced in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Many people in SSA are dependant on agriculture to provide employment and livelihood. In the agricultural sector The Farm Bill is a unilateral law by the USA granting enormous subsidies to its farmers for a wide variety of products. It is the purpose of this study to investigate both these laws and to determine whether or not the Farm Bill undermines the objectives of AGOA. AGOA was studied and the real reasons for US interest in SSA determined. The main reason found for the inception of AGOA was US interest in the oil resources of SSA as well as other commodities like precious metals and textiles. The USA is also interested in SSA to find new markets for its own products as it can produce far more food and fibre than it can utilise in its domestic market. The study investigated the potential benefits of AGOA for SSA as well as the real benefits that were realised in the first two and a half years since its inception. It was found in the study that the real benefits were far less than the potential benefits and several reasons are offered for this phenomenon. The trade data between the USA and SSA was analysed to determine the effect of AGOA on trade and the major products traded. It was found that by far the largest product group was in the petroleum sector. The Farm Bill was investigated to determine the provisions of the Bill, the products involved and the conditions for subsidy payments. The payments include direct payments, counter-cyclical payments and marketing loan gains or loan deficiency payments. The detail of the calculation methods for the payments and a sample calculation of the subsidies are given, other provisions of the Farm Bill that apply to specific commodities like sugar and dairy products are also listed as these are important commodities for SSA. The Farm Bill was investigated in terms of AGOA and it was found in the study that the Farm Bill does indeed undermine the objectives of AGOA by reducing commodity prices. Both AGOA and the Farm Bill were further investigated in the context of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to determine their consistency with the rules of the WTO. It was found that AGOA is consistent with the WTO rules, but the subsidies of the Farm Bill are trade distorting and therefore not consistent with these rules. There is a WTO limit set for the US support programmes and it is expected that the payments would exceed the limit during times of low commodity prices. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word beide die 'African Growth and Opportunity Act' (AGOA) wat in Mei 2000 deel van die Amerikaanse wetgewing geword het sowel as die daaropvolgende 'US Farm Bill' wat in Mei 2002 goedgekeur is, ondersoek. AGOA is 'n tydelike, eensydige, nie-wederkerige wet deur Amerika wat tariefvrye en kwotavrye toegang tot die Amerikaanse mark toelaat vir bykans alle produkte wat in Afrika Suid van die Sahara (SSA) geproduseer word. Baie mense in SSA is afhanklik van landbou vir werk om vir hulle families te kan sorg. Dit is juis in die landbousektor waar Amerika die 'Farm Bill' as eensydige wet goedgekeur het wat enorme landbousubsidies vir 'n wye reeks produkte aan sy boere toeken. Die doel van die studie is om beide hierdie wette te ondersoek en vas te stel of die 'Farm Bill' die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn, al dan nie. AGOA is eerste ondersoek en die werklike redes vir Amerika se belangstelling in SSA is bepaal. Daar is bevind dat die hoofrede vir die ontstaan van AGOA die strategiese belangstelling van Amerika in SSA se olie en ander kommoditeite soos edelmetale en tekstiele is. Amerika stel ook belang in SSA om nuwe markte te vind vir sy eie produkte omdat Amerika baie meer voedsel en vesel kan produseer as wat sy plaaslike mark kan absorbeer. Die studie het die potensiele voordele van AGOA vir SSA asook die werklike voordele wat in die eerste twee en 'n half jaar gerealiseer het, ondersoek. Die studie het getoon dat die werklike voordele baie minder as die potensiele voordele was en verskeie redes word vir die verskynsel aangevoer. Die handelsdata tussen Amerika en SSA is ondersoek om die effek van AGOA op handel asook die hoofhandelsprodukte vas te stel. Die data het getoon dat by verre die grootste produkgroep wat verhandel is, olie en verwante petroleumprodukte is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ondersoek om die bepalings van die wet vas te stel, watter produkte betrokke is en onder watter voorwaardes subsidiebetalings van toepassing is. Hierdie betalings sluit direkte betalings aan boere, wederkerige betalings en bemarkingslenings in. Die detail van die berekeningsmetodes van die verskillende dele van die subsidies asook 'n voorbeeld-berekening word getoon. Ander bepalings van die wetgewing wat van toepassing is op spesifieke kommoditeite soos suiker en suiwel word ook gelys omdat hierdie produkte baie belangrik vir SSA is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ook met betrekking tot AGOA ondersoek en daar is getoon dat die 'Farm Bill' inderdaad die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn deur die pryse van kommoditeite te laat daal. Beide AGOA en die 'Farm Bill' is verder ondersoek in die konteks van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) om vas te stel of elkeen van hierdie wette voldoen aan die handelsreels van die WHO. Daar is bevind dat AGOA wel voldoen aan die WHO reels, maar dat die subsidies van die 'Farm Bill' handel verwring en daarom nie voldoen aan die vereistes van die WHO nie. Daar bestaan 'n WHO-beperking vir Amerika op die hoeveelheid ondersteuning wat aan die boere toegestaan mag word en daar word verwag dat die beperking oorskry kan word in tye van lae kommoditeitspryse.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study sets out to analyse the trade performance of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) to determine the lessons that can be learnt from it strengths and weaknesses with the purpose to assist future trade negotiations - and specifically the current free trade negotiations between the United States of America (USA) and the Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU). A short overview of AGOA's content is given with specific reference to the many rules and regulations governing the arrangement. AGOA's trade performance over the past four years is analysed by country and sector to determine the main recipients of its benefits with specific attention to the performance of SACU countries. AGOA's strengths and opportunities are discussed by looking at the impact that AGOA had on investment and job creation in Southern Africa. The study takes a closer look at new markets that benefited from AGOA and how well SACU made use of the non-reciprocal nature of AGOA by looking at the trade balance with the USA. The weaknesses of AGOA are analysed by looking at its nature - the fact that it is a nonnegotiated arrangement with benefits that can be terminated at any point. The failure of AGOA to address non-tariff barriers is discussed by looking at the impact of subsidies, quotas, threat of anti-dumping actions and its restrictive rules and regulations. The unsustainability of the substantial growth that the clothing and textile industries experienced under AGOA is considered by looking at the Multi-Fibre Agreement and the impact that its termination had up to now on especially SACU countries. The analysis of AGOA's trade performance highlighted the fact that only a few countries and products benefited from AGOA. The study deliberates AGOA's failure to liberalise Southern Africa's exports. The knowledge gained by analysing AGOA, its trade performance with specifically SACU, and its strengths and weaknesses are applied by looking at the current US free trade proposal with SACU. The study looks at the motivations for the free trade agreement from both a US and SACU point of view and continues to analyse the content of the proposed agreement. The analysis includes the various problem areas within the proposed agreement as well as the potential benefits that such an agreement can bring about. The study concludes with a summary of the lessons learnt from AGOA and how they apply to the proposed US free trade agreement as well as future trade negotiations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die resultate van die "African Growth and Opportunity Act" (AGOA) oor die afgelope vier jaar te ontleed met die doel om die sterk en swakpunte van die handelsverdrag te beklemtoon as basis vir toekomstige handelsooreenkomste. Daar word spesifiek verwys na die handelsooreenkoms wat tans beding word tussen die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) en die "South African Customs Union" (SACU). Die studie gee 'n kort opsomming van die inhoud van AGOA met spesifieke verwysing na die verskeie reëls en regulasies wat die ooreenkoms onderskryf. Die resultate van die afgelope vier jaar word ontleed per land en sektor om vas te stel watter lande en produkte die meeste voordeel getrek het onder AGOA. Weereens word daar spesifiek na SACU se resultate verwys. AGOA se sterkpunte word bespreek deur na die impak te kyk op investering en werkskepping in Suider Afrika. Die studie kyk na nuwe marksgeleenthede wat voordeel getrek het onder AGOA. Daar word ook gekyk hoe goed SACU van die nie-wederkerige natuur van AGOA gebruik gemaak het deur te verwys na die handelsbalans tussen SACU en die VSA. Die swakpunte van AGOA word bespreek deur te kyk na AGOA se inherente kenmerke, byvoorbeeld dat die "ooreenkoms" nie onderhandel is nie en dat voordele te enige tyd opgeskort mag word. Daar word ook gekyk na AGOA se gebrek om nie-tarief gedrewe handelsstruikelblokke in die vorm van subsidies, kwotas, die bedreiging van aksies teen handelsstorting en die impak van die vele reëls en regulasies aan te spreek. Die onvolhoubaarheid van groei binne die tekstiel en kledingsbedryf (wat merkbare sukses onder AGOA bereik het) as gevolg van die terminasie van die "Multi-Fibre Agreement" word bespreek - met spesifieke verwysing na die impak op Suider Afrika. Die analise van AGOA se handelsresultate het uitgewys dat slegs 'n handjie-vol lande en produkte by AGOA baat gevind het. Die studie oorweeg die moontlike redes wat gelei het tot hierdie verskynsel. Die kennis wat opgedoen is deur na AGOA se handelsresultate te kyk, asook sy sterk- en swakpunte te ontleed, word aangewend deur na die huidige VS handelsooreenkoms met SACU the kyk. Die studie oorweeg die motiverings vir so 'n handelsooreenkoms van beide 'n VS en SACU oogpunt en maak ook 'n ontleding van die inhoud van die ooreenkoms. Die ontleding kyk nie net na die verskeie probleme wat na vore kom nie maar ook na die voordele wat SACU te beurt kan val as gevolg van die oorkoms. Die studie sluit af deur 'n opsomming te maak van die lesse wat geleer is deur die ontleding van AGOA en hoe dit van toepassing is op die huidige VS ooreenkoms asook toekomstige ooreenkomste.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores inter-regional relations between SADC and Mercosur. The central problem posed at the outset is "Why should relations between SADC and Mercosur be pursued?" In this problem there exists two separate questions, each one dealing with the regions at hand. The first question asks whether Mercosur is a viable partner in the global political economy and if so, "What possible options are made available through a partnership with Mercosur in the future?" The second question focuses on the Southern African region and addresses concerns surrounding SADC as Mercosur's option for a partner in Africa. These problems are analysed in the context of the global political economy from the perspective of regionalisation, considering the increased interest and attention this phenomenon is currently receiving in international relations. This study therefore addresses both bilateral and multilateral implications associated with SADC-Mercosur relations, with the importance of market liberalisation as well as the effects of regional integration on the process of globalisation kept in mind. A descriptive and analytical approach is employed throughout the study. This methodology provides a concise description of both regions. It also allows the study and research to take place on different levels of analysis, looking at the problem from a country-to-country, country-to-region and region-to-region perspective. These levels are extended to include bilateral and multilateral opportunities for the parties involved. In applying this descriptive methodology various characteristics and attributes of each region are looked at, identifying benefits a regional bloc like Mercosur holds in terms of market size and level of regional development. Various other areas are studied, which explores possible future opportunities for both SA DC and Mercosur through improved south-south co-operation. Statistical data is used to further illustrate certain arguments raised and findings made. The study clearly reveals a broad number of benefits available through enhanced SADCMercosur relations. Mercosur holds an immense amount of future potential that would be of great importance in maintaining a sustainable position for developing economies in the future. There are however a number of difficulties too. These emanate primarily from SADC and therefore cast a great deal of doubt on SADC's ability to enter into a partnership with Mercosur. Considering the current situation, a more viable option would be SACU. But this option should be pursued with the intention of bringing the rest of SADC on board in the not too distant future. SADC's shear size and status in Southern Africa is a drawing card in developing south-south co-operation. It would be ideal to develop relations between SADC and Mercosur in a truly inter-regional fashion and possibly even a transatlantic FTA further down the line. This is a vision that should always be on the agenda when pursuing relations with Mercosur. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die inter-streeksverhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur. Vanuit die staanspoor word die vraag, "Waarom behoort verhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur nagestreefte word?" gevra. Die studie spreek binne hierdie verband met twee sub-vrae. Die eerste vraag vra of Mercosur 'n lewensvatbare vennoot in the globale politieke ekonornie is en indien weI, "Watter opsies word vir die toekoms gegenereer deur 'n vennootskap met Mercosur." Die tweede vraag fokus op Suidelike Afrika en spreek kwessies rakende SADC as Mercosur se keuse vir 'n vennoot in Afrika aan. Binne die konteks van die globale politieke ekonomie word bogenoemde probleme vanuit 'n streeksperspektief geanaliseer, gegewe die toenemende aandag wat die regionalisasie verskynsel tans in internasionale betrekkinge geniet. Hierdie studie spreek gevolglik beide die bilaterale en multilaterale implikasies van SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge aan, terwyl die belangrikheid van markliberalisering asook die gevolg van streeksintegrasie vir die globaliseringsproses in gedagte gehou word. Die studie volg deurgaans 'n beskrywende en analitiese benadering. Daardeur word navorsing op verskiIIende vlakke van analise moontlik gemaak deur die probleem vanuit 'n land-tot-land, land-tot-streek en streek-tot-streek perspektiefte beskou. Deur die fokus op hierdie vlakke word die bilaterale en multilaterale geleenthede vir die betrokke partye geidentifiseer. Deur middel van 'n beskrywende metodologie word die eienskappe en potensiaal van beide streke uitgelig, veral met betrekking tot markgrootte en streeksontwikkeling. Teen die agtergrond van verbeterde suid-suid samewerking word ander areas ook bestudeer, met die oog op moontlike toekomstige geleenthede vir SADC en Mercosur. Statistiese data word deurgaans gebruik om sekere argumente en bevindings toe te lig. Die studie bevind dat uitgebreide SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge etlike voordele inhou. Mercosur hou groot belofte in vir ontwikkelende ekonorniee. Daar is egter ook probleme binne SADC en plaas dit 'n vraagteken oor SADC se vermoe om 'n vennootskap met Mercosur aan te gaan. 'n Meer realistiese opsie sal 'n vennootskap met SACU wees. Maar hierdie opsie behoort nagestreef te word met die oog op die spoedige insluiting van SADC. Die blote grootte en status van SADC is 'n belangrike faktor in die uitbreiding van suid-suid samewerking. Dit sou ideaal wees om verhoudinge tussen SADC en Mercosur tot op 'n ware interstreekse vlak te ontwikkel met die moontlikheid van 'n toekomstige transatlantiese vrye handelsooreenkoms. Hierdie visie behoort altyd in gedagte gehou te word in die nastreef van verhoudinge met Mercosur.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.