Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 2000, Chinese FDI in Zambia has steadily increased. Focused predominantly on resource extraction, China is now the third largest investor in Zambia, after only the United States and South Africa. As the title suggests, this FDI is recognized as relevant to Zambia’s developmental discourse. However, with general development indicators, there is challenge in establishing immediate causality between (Chinese) FDI and development. To address this, this study employs Capability Approach development theory, which utilizes a framework to evaluate social and political realities. Utilizing this framework, key indicators are used to look more deeply into the discussion around China’s FDI for Zambia’s development. There has been a great deal of speculation as to potential costs and/or benefits Chinese FDI may offer Zambia. As China offers Zambia a partnership of non-domestic interference, unique from Zambia’s traditional western syndicates, debate is raised as to what influence it will have on Zambia’s developmental progress. With challenges including limited information, numerous potential indicators to utilize, and a large number of contributing voices, the debate thus far lacks a means for evaluating the substance of claims made within the context of national trends. This study reviews and evaluates the debate within the framework of seven key socioeconomic and political indicators. While within economic growth and infrastructure expansion Chinese FDI are shown to indicate a conduciveness to development, FDI is not shown to be conducive for market diversification, challenging corruption, or strengthening institutions. The study therefore shows that trends of Chinese FDI’s relevance to Zambian employment and state dependency to be mixed and that assessments will need to disentangle various Chinese activities and will also need to consider contradictory effects. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die jaar 2000 het Chinese direkte buitelandse belegging (DBB) in Zambië stelselmatig begin toeneem. Die groei is hoofsaaklik gekonsentreer in die hulpbron ontgunnings sektore. China is tans die derde grootste belegger in Zambia naas die Verenigde State van Amerika en Suid Afrika. Soos die titel van die tesis aandui, word DBB beskou as relevant tot Zambië se ontwikkelings dialoog. Aangesien die oorsaaklikheid tussen DBB en ontwikkeling nie maklik vasgestel kan word nie, word sleutel aanwysers gebruik om dieper in die gesprek rondom Chinese DBB ten opsigte van Zambiese ontwikkeling in te kyk. Tans is daar 'n groot mate van spekulasie aan potensiële risikos en/of voordele van Chinese DBB vir Zambië. China bied Zambië ‘n venootskap sonder inmenging in binnelandse beleid, anders as Westerse finansiering wat gekoppel word aan voorwaardes, en dit is wat die vraag lig; wat gaan die uiteindelikke invloed en effek wees op Zambiese ontwikkeling in die toekoms. Met uitdagings soos beperkte inligting, vele moontlikke aanwysers en ‘n groot aantal opinies, kort die debad tot dusver die vermoë om die waarde van argumente te evalueer binne die konteks van nasionale tendense. Hierdie studie evalueer die debat binne die raamwerk van sewe sleutel sosio-ekonomiese en politiese aanwysers. Chinese DBB word bevind om bevorderlik te wees ten opsigte van ontwikkeling in die infrastruktuur ontwikkeling- en ekonomiese groei sektore; dit word egter nie bevind as bevorderlik in terme van mark-diversifikasie, die teenkanting van korrupsie, of in die versterking van politieke instellings nie. Chinese DBB se invloed op indiensneming en op die afhanklikheid van die Zambiese staat toon gemengde resultate, en dat assesering verskeie Chinese aktiwiteite sal moet ontrafel en ook teenstrydigge effekte in gedagte moet hou.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a contribution to the “China in Africa” debate. Chinese development assistance includes Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and recent literature argues a significant proportion of FDI goes to the manufacturing sector in African countries. FDI allocated to industry have the potential to create employment and reduce poverty. This paper takes Zambia as a case, and looks at the textile and clothing industry as a sub- sector of the manufacturing sector. The textile and clothing industry is seen as especially appropriate for Zambia, as it; (i) adds value to natural resources; (ii) creates links to other sectors of the economy; (iii) require only basic skills; and (iv) is labour intensive. Based on primary and secondary data, this paper seeks to understand how Chinese FDI in the Zambian textile and clothing industry impact economic development, measured by; (i) formal employment creation; (ii) technology and skill transfer; (iii) state revenue; and lastly (iv) market creation of the products. Through looking at Zambian national plans and institutions, the cotton-textile-garment value chain and the organisation of Chinese companies in Zambia, this paper found currently no textile and clothing manufacturing under Chinese investors. Although, cotton quality in Zambia has improved, the majority is exported out of the continent. There are currently few textile mills left and the clothing manufacturers largely use imported inputs. Second hand clothes and cheap imports from Asian countries, have taken over large parts of the domestic market for textile and clothing in Zambia. The largest integrated textile mill was the Zambia China Mulungushi Textiles (ZCMT) operating under Chinese investors between 1997 and 2007. Findings show that the Chinese management casualised the workforce, leading to more informal employment. In addition, there were few records of skill transfer to Zambian workers, although there were investments in improving technology. This paper explores the different reasons for the TC mill to close and argue that it was not viable under a liberal market. The Zambian workers were unhappy with the labour system, wage levels and terms of employment, which caused violent riots and strikes up until closure in 2007. The Chinese management was unable to restructure the work force enough to be cost effective and to stay in business. The Lusaka East Multi Facility Economic Zone (MFEZ) is under construction, and will focus on textiles and the supportive links in the industry. It is yet to be seen, how it impacts local economic development. Based on the assumptions of economic development, this paper shows limited impact of Chinese FDI in the Zambian textile and clothing industry. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n bydrae tot die "China in Afrika” debat. Die Chinese ontwikkelings hulp sluit buitelandse direkte investering (FDI) in, en die onlangse literatuur beweer dat 'n belangrike deel van FDI na die vervaardigingsektor in Afrika-lande gaan. FDI toegeken aan die industrie het die potensiaal om werk te skep en armoede to verminder. Hierdie verhandeling neem Zambië as 'n geval, en kyk na die tekstiel-en klere-industrie as 'n subsektor van die vervaardigingsektor. Die tekstiel en klere bedryf is veral geskik vir Zambië, daar dit; (i) waarde toevoeg tot natuurlike hulpbronne; (ii) skakels skep na ander sektore van die ekonomie; (iii) slegs basiese vaardighede word vereis; (iv) arbeidsintensief is. Deur middel van primêre en sekondêre data, word in hierdie verhandeling gepoog om die impak van die Chinese FDI in die Zambiese tekstiel-en klere-industrie, op die ekonomiese ontwikkeling vas te stel, soos gemeet aan; (i) formele werkskepping; (ii) tegnologie en vaardigheids oordrag; (iii) die staat se inkomste; en laastens ( iv) die skepping van ‘n mark vir die produkte. Deur te kyk na die Zambiese nasionale planne en instellings, die katoen-tekstiel-kleed waardeketting, en die organisasie van die Chinese maatskappye in Zambië, het hierdie verhandeling bevind dat daar tans geen tekstiel-en klere vervaardiging onder Chinese beleggers is nie. Hoewel die gehalte van die katoen in Zambië verbeter het, is die meeste buite die vasteland uitgevoer. Daar is tans min tekstielfabrieke oor, en die klerevervaardigers gebruik grootliks ingevoerde insette. Tweedehandse klere en goedkoop invoere uit Asiatiese lande, het grootliks die binnelandse mark vir tekstiel en klere in Zambië oorgeneem. Die grootste geïntegreerde tekstiel fabriek was die Zambië China Mulungushi Textiles (ZCMT) wat tussen 1997 en 2007 onder Chinese beleggers was. Bevindinge toon dat die Chinese bestuur niepermanente aanstellings gemaak het, wat gelei het tot meer informele indiensneming. Verder, is daar min rekord van vaardigheids-oordrag na die Zambiese werkers, maar daar was beleggings in die verbetering van tegnologie gedoen. Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die verskillende redes vir die TC meul/fabriek se sluiting, en bevind dat dit nie lewensvatbaar in 'n vrye mark was nie. Die Zambiese werkers was ontevrede met die arbeidstelsel, loonvlakke en terme van indiensneming, wat gewelddadige onluste en stakings veroorsaak het tot die sluiting in 2007. Die Chinese bestuur was nie in staat om die arbeidsmag te herstruktureer om koste-effektief genoeg te wees nie. Die Lusaka-Ooste Multi Fasiliteit Ekonomiese Sone (MFEZ) is onder konstruksie en sal fokus op die tekstiel en die ondersteunende skakels in die bedryf. Dit moet nog gesien word hoe dit die plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling beïinvloed. Op grond van die aannames van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, toon hierdie ondersoek ‘n beperkte impak van die Chinese FDI in die Zambiese tekstiel en klere bedryf aan.

On t.p.: Master of Arts (International Studies) / Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to examine the chances that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has in changing the unbalanced relations between the powerful countries of the North and the marginalised developing world. In doing so, it investigates how the leaders of Northern countries received the New Africa Initiative which was launched by a group of African heads of states, including Mbeki, at the G-8 summit in Genoa in July 2001. Unlike preceding works, this study takes a systemic perspective. The power relations in international affairs are pointed out with specific consideration of South Africa's status as an emerging middle power in the international system. Special recognition is furthermore given to the question as to whether there is currently a global re-think under way about globalisation, the ideology of neo-liberalism and the interaction with poor countries in the global political economy. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the fact that South Africa as a middle power is subordinate to the powerful countries of the North when it comes to effecting global change, and despite the outcomes of Genoa that do not indicate that an equitable global order is close, there are considerable trends and developments visible which support what Mbeki is trying to achieve. As a consequence, it is contended that his "Global Initiative" has a much better chance of being successful than the plea for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die volgende te ondersoek: die waarskynlikheid dat Suid-Afrika se President, Thabo Mbeki, die ongebalanseerde verhoudinge tussen die magtige lande van die Noorde en die gemarginaliseerde ontwikkelende wêreld kan verander. Gevolglik word gekyk in hoe die leiers van die Noordelike lande die "New Africa Inititiative", wat in Julie 2001 by die G-8 spitsberaad in Genoa deur 'n groep staatshoofde van verskeie Afrikalande (Mbeki ingesluit) bekend gestel is, ontvang het. Anders as in vorige studies, word 'n sistematiese benadering in hierdie studie gevolg. Spesiale aandag word verder geskenk aan die vraag of daar huidiglik 'n globale heroorweging onderweg is. met petrekking tot _globalisering, die ideologie van neo-liberalisme en die hantering van arm lande binne die globale politeke ekonomie. Die studie 'kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar merkbare neigings en ontwikkelinge is wat Mbeki se werk ondersteun. Dit is ten spyte van die feit dat Suid-Afrika, as middelrnag, ondergeskik is aan die Noordelike lande wanneer invloede op globale veranderinge ter sprake is, en nieteenstaande die gevolge van Genoa, wat geensins aandui dat 'n regverdige globale bedeling naby is nie. Gevolglik word geargumenteer dat hierdie "Globale Inisiatief' 'n beter kans het om suksesvol te wees as die pleidooi vir 'n "Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde" tydens die 1970s.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.

Theories in the international political economy literature, economic liberalism and dependency, are explored in order to test the effect of U.S. aid, trade, and investment on human rights conditions in recipient states. Two measures of human rights conditions serve as dependent variables: security rights and subsistence rights. The data cover approximately 140 countries from 1976-1996. Pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, utilizing ordinary least squares (OLS) with panel corrected standard errors, is employed due to the temporal and spatial characteristics of the data. The results indicate that foreign assistance and economic policy may not be the best approaches to altering poor human rights practices in the area of security rights. Economic and military aid is negatively associated with levels of security rights, supporting the traditional dependency perspective. While the results from trade and investment are generally in the positive direction, the lack of consistent statistical evidence suggests that increased trade and investment relationships do not dramatically improve security rights. We can conclude, however, that trade and investment fail to have the negative effect on security rights in less developed countries which critics of globalization suggest. Economic aid has a statistically significant negative effect on subsistence rights, while military aid seems to benefit the human condition in recipient states. However, extreme negative effects on security rights accompany any benefit realized in the area of subsistence rights from military aid. Trade and investment have a positive and statistically significant effect on basic human needs providing support for the liberal perspective. It appears that American businesses and politicians can forge ahead with seemingly self-interested motivations and economic policies as American economic gain ironically serves to benefit the well being of citizens in other states. However, in spite of political rhetoric and even sincere intentions regarding foreign assistance policy, it appears that the road to human rights hell is paved with good intentions.

The theme of this study is that seven major East Asian less developed countries (LDCs) have experienced "dependent development," and that some internal and external intervening factors mattered in that process. Utilizing a framework of "dependent development," the data analysis deals with the political economy of development in these countries. This analysis supports the fundamental arguments of the dependent development perspective, which emphasize positive effects of foreign capital dependence in domestic capital formation and industrialization in East Asian LDCs. This perspective assumes the active role of the state, and it is found here to be crucial in capital accumulation and in economic growth. This cross-national time-series analysis also shows that the effects of external dependence and military spending on capital accumulation and economic growth can be considered as a regional phenomenon. The dependent development perspective offers a useful way to understand economic dynamism of East Asian LDCs for the past two decades.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Johannesburg, 1997. / Faced with the potential threat of oil embargoes imposed by producer countries for political reasons, the consumer countries reacted by creating different alternatives which granted them some energy independence and security of supply by using alternative products and technologies available in their own countrles, Can a middle level developing country break out of the cycle of dependency in the area of energy? This dissertation investigates the strategy developed and implemented by South Africa between 1973 and 1993, which invested heavily in the generation of fuel extracted from coal in order to rescue its country from crisis and support it through critical periods of history. / AC2017

'BRIC' is an acronym created by Jim O’Neil to describe some of the world’s leading emergingeconomies, namely Brazil, Russia, India, and China. During 2010, the members of the group included South Africa and 'BRIC' was renamed 'BRICS'. The primary objective of this study was to investigate whether South Africa should be included in BRICS, taking into account that the country represents the whole of Africa. Data was collected by means of self- administered questionnaires and face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The results suggest that South Africa should be included in BRICS as it is depicted as the regional leader and gateway to the continent. This is demonstrated by its global economic prominence especially through multilateral organisations such as SADC, AU, and it is the only African country in the G20. It is recommended that South Africa should work together with other African countries and encourage their inclusion in achieving common economic goals. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)

by Chan, Cheuk-Wah. / Thesis submitted in: August 1997. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- p.1. / Chapter 1.1.-- --- The main theme / Chapter 1.2. -- --- Theoretical background / Chapter 1.2.1. -- --- The proper role of the state in the economy / Chapter 1.2.2. -- --- Conception of the development state / Chapter 1.2.3. -- --- Politics of defining the role of the state / Chapter 1.2.4. -- --- The relative autonomy of the state / Chapter 1.2.5. -- --- "The ISH Model-- Institutions, Strategic actions of agents, Historical contingencies" / Chapter 1.2.6. -- --- The ISH Model and the economic dynamics in Hong Kong / Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- p.22. / Chapter 2 -- --- "Historical Background, Contingency and International Hurricane (from the mid of 1940s to the mid 1950s)" / Chapter 2.1. -- --- Introduction / Chapter 2.2. -- --- Historical background / Chapter 2.3. -- --- Conflicts between China and the West (Korean War and Cold War) / Chapter 2.4. -- --- Hong Kong's fluctuating economy and the colonial minimal government / Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- p.44. / Chapter 3. --- The Dynamics of the Process of Economic Restructuring and the Strategies of the Industrialists (1950s-60s) / Chapter 3.1. -- --- Introduction / Chapter 3.2. -- --- The path of economic restructuring / Chapter 3.2.1. -- --- Profile of textiles industry / Chapter 3.2.2.-- --- rofile of clothing industry / Chapter 3.2.3. -- --- Profile of toys and plastic industry / Chapter 3.3.-- --- Strategies of the Chinese industrialists / Chapter CHAPTER FOUR --- p.62. / Chapter 4. --- Hong Kong Government's Role and Selective Interventions in the Economy / Chapter 4.1. -- --- Introduction / Chapter 4.2. -- --- Monetary/fiscal policy with colonial bias / Chapter 4.3. -- --- Housing policy / Chapter 4.4. -- --- Investment and trade promotion / Chapter 4.5. -- --- Land and infrastructure development / Chapter 4.6. -- --- Influences on the prices and supplies of foodstuffs / Chapter 4.7. -- --- Productivity and quality support services / Chapter 4.8. -- --- Inadequate research and development policy / Chapter 4.9. -- --- Absence of industrial bank and few financial incentives for Industries / Chapter 4.10. -- --- Deficiency in manpower training for manufacturing / Chapter CHAPTER FIVE --- p.83. / Chapter 5. --- The Dominance of British Hongs' in Hong Kong / Chapter 5.1. -- --- Introduction / Chapter 5.2. -- --- The historical foundation of the British Hongs in Hong Kong and its political implication / Chapter 5.3. -- --- Dominance of the British hongs in Hong Kong in the period of1950-70 / Chapter 5.4. -- --- "The business activities of the Jardines, Matheson and Co. Ltd. in Hong Kong" / Chapter CHAPTER SIX -- --- CONCLUSION --- p.102.