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This work is a study in strategic thought. Its objective is to demonstrate how the analyses and arguments of Carl von Clausewitz influenced American strategic thinking between the Vietnam War and the Gulf War. In addressing the influence of Clausewitz, one is examining the way in which his thought has been adapted to contemporary conditions. Clausewitz's conception of the state may place him in the realist canon but his writings do not ignore the irrational factors that are at work an international relations and war. By separating the "historical" Clausewitz from the strategically significant Clausewitz of today, the major similarity between the two rests on the basic assumption that war is an instrument of policy serving the state's interests. Unravelling the threads that make up American strategic thought is a high task. The idealistic strain in American strategy does not mean that expediency in the shape of balance-of-power politics is alien to the United States. As the only superpower to have exited throughout the whole post-war period, America's policy choices have been the major factor behind the shifting balance of the international security environment. Military power, even more so than the making and breaking of alliances, has been at its heart. Clausewitz was the first strategic theorist to seriously study the phenomenon of people's war. Ironically, the Vietnamese communists, despite their "Eastern" culture, showed more awareness than did the Americans of Clausewitz's thought. Their armed struggle occurred in tandem with a political struggle. The Americans found it difficult to clarify, for the sake of domestic opinion, the identity of the enemy. Without the commitment of the American people, the American military struggled to successfully execute a prolonged campaign in Vietnam. The Vietnam War is a classic case of the lack of grasp of policy at the strategic level being mirrored at the operational level precisely because the United States was unsure as to exactly the kind of conflict in which it was engaged.

Foreign policy has generally speaking been the traditional ‘responsibility of national governments’. This is particularly true of states with unitary systems of governments but is less true in federalist states.Federalist states are states which have adopted a system of government whereby ‘powers are divided and shared between constituent governments and a general government having certain nation-wide’ responsibilities’. Federalism is often adopted by pluralistic societies to ensure a system of uniformity while accommodating differences and to maintain national security and economic unity. By their nature, federalist states share responsibilities and powers between the central and constituent units. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa. 2010 / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The purpose of this thesis is to study Thailand's foreign relations. The specific argument will be that, to a large extent, Thailand was able to keep her independence because of her rulers' ability to adapt the country's policy to the changing circumstances in foreign affairs. Therefore, it was imperative for policymakers to look at the threats to the country's security from the local point of view and to develop appropriate policies for dealing with them accordingly. The thesis is organized into six chapters. After the introductory chapter, the second and third chapters examine the historical development and the general features of the foreign relations of Thailand, respectively. Chapter Four deals with the change in the direction of foreign policy after the Second World War. In contrast to the traditional foreign policy, the government under military dictatorship gradually moved in the direction of the Western, especially American, position. The positive and negative consequences of the pro-American policy are treated in Chapter Five, It is pointed out that this policy contributed to the sharp increase in activity of Communist insurgents in various parts of the country. By comparing the post-war foreign policy with the traditional policy prior to that time, a conclusion can be drawn that Thailand is better off with her traditional method in dealing with foreign powers, That is, under normal circumstances she should maintain friendly relations with other countries but should not become too closely involved and identified with any foreign power in particular.

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a existência ou não de política na construção da Unasul. Política, neste caso, compreendida como propõe Jacques Rancière. Para tanto é realizada uma revisão histórica da política externa do período compreendido entre 1951 e 2010, buscando as especificidades de cada governo. Além da revisão histórica são analisados dois momentos que podem ter colaborado para o resultado da Unasul, a fundação do Partido dos Trabalhadores e do Foro de São Paulo, investigados como trajetória dos atores presentes na elaboração da Unasul e possíveis momentos políticos. Há também algumas considerações sobre os órgãos financiadores internacionais, como FMI e Banco Mundial. / The aim of this research is investigate the existence or not of politics in Unasul Construction. Politics, in this case, as presented by Jacques Rancières theory. For this we did a historical review of the Brazilian international policies between 1951 and 2010, looking for each government. It was investigated two other moments that could be facilitated, as the foundation of the Workers Party (PT) and the Foro de São Paulo. They could be investigated as the history previous of the actors of the Unasul realization and probable political moments, too. Some considerations about FMI and World back were also done.

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a existência ou não de política na construção da Unasul. Política, neste caso, compreendida como propõe Jacques Rancière. Para tanto é realizada uma revisão histórica da política externa do período compreendido entre 1951 e 2010, buscando as especificidades de cada governo. Além da revisão histórica são analisados dois momentos que podem ter colaborado para o resultado da Unasul, a fundação do Partido dos Trabalhadores e do Foro de São Paulo, investigados como trajetória dos atores presentes na elaboração da Unasul e possíveis momentos políticos. Há também algumas considerações sobre os órgãos financiadores internacionais, como FMI e Banco Mundial. / The aim of this research is investigate the existence or not of politics in Unasul Construction. Politics, in this case, as presented by Jacques Rancières theory. For this we did a historical review of the Brazilian international policies between 1951 and 2010, looking for each government. It was investigated two other moments that could be facilitated, as the foundation of the Workers Party (PT) and the Foro de São Paulo. They could be investigated as the history previous of the actors of the Unasul realization and probable political moments, too. Some considerations about FMI and World back were also done.

A study of the foreign policies of Theodore Roosevelt.

In an inquiry into national behavior, students of international relations treat national data as independent variables. Students of comparative politics treat them as dependent variables in an attempt to compute foreign policy outputs. There is reason to believe that international and comparative studies can be incorporated into a system of linkage politics. This study employs the framework of "linkage politics" of James N. Rosenau in an attempt to investigate the North Korean confrontation policy from 1953 to 1970. The basic assumption upon which this research operates is that the foreign policy of the North Korea has been a function of "fused linkages" between the nation's international environment and national conditions. "Fused linkage" is defined as a phenomenon by which certain national outputs and environmental inputs reciprocate in a continuous cycle. Thus the fused linkage case for North Korea's confrontation is defined as "circular confrontation." Based on Rosenau's proposed linkage framework, this study presents its own analytical framework. The major linkage groups are conceived of "exogenous" and "endogenous" conditions. Both of these conditions are divided into "constants" and "variables" and are treated as such. Each of these conditions was in turn analyzed with reference to relevant referents. Throughout the study particular attention is given to linkage processes between the two conditions.

There have has been instances when a powerful neighboring countries are observed as being difficulty for the smaller ones. Moreover, the phenomena of subjugation roots back to imperialism era and its loitered notion of superiority is still practiced by most of the developed and sturdy countries. But the most vital thing here to be considered is the other nations’ (or smaller nations’) action against the dominance, which sometimes is demonstrated either in a resilient fashion or completely in submissive manner. In the era of globalization where nations’ relationship is intricate in a complex web of dependency, the nations with limited resources, weak diplomacy and instable politics are mostly compelled to succumb itself in front of relatively huge powers. And if the powerful states happens to be the immediate neighbors than the things might get more complex. In addition to this, the situation can be worse if the nation is a Least Developed Country (LDC hereafter) and also Land Locked States like Nepal and Bhutan. This research paper intends to analyze situation of such two nations, namely Nepal and Bhutan that are squeezed between China– a rising global power and India- an aspiring regional power. The interfering and controlling nature of these giants, at times, through diplomatic and coercive tactics has been evident in both the nation. But, despite the similarities these two small countries are seen to have adopted different strategies while dealing with their neighbors. If we look at Nepal we can see that it has developed bilateral relation with its both neighbors. And Bhutan has bilateral relation only with India and still has not welcomed China in its friendship zone, and this puzzle drives the research paper. The paper attempts to understand the situation from the lens of realism, as the theory implies that the nation is the nucleus and whatever action it undertakes is based on the advantage and mostly concerned in their individual power growth. It believes that any nation’s behavior does not involve the utopian notion but functions solely on the self-indulgence manner. Furthermore, the paper has tried to make an analysis with the help of inductive theory. The research finds that realism along is to sufficient to understand the small country’s perspective. There are many other factors that have contributed in making the strategic choices that these small countries have opted in order to establish a certain kind of relationship with their neighbors. Along with this the area of study needs to be broadened in order to comprehend the situation completely.

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is often described as the solitary success among the political transitions which followed. Much has been ascribed to the trade agreement (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership or EMP) between EU and Tunisia in promoting said democracy. Recently, Tunisia has also become dependent on IMF loans. This has raised concerns of the effect of neoliberal policies that are advocated for by the IMF, EU and the World Bank. The correlation between neoliberal policies and political stability is still being debated among scholars and the linear causalities remain unclear. Several scholars have criticised the EU-Tunisian trade agreement and EU policies, claiming that this has led to increased poverty and social instability in the country. This study seeks to determine, in accordance with such critique, if a neoliberal agenda is advocated for by the EU. Previous studies have focused on policy effects of the trade and foreign relations between EU and Tunisia. Instead this study analyses the mutual trade agreement and EU political policy agenda for Tunisia to understand the intent of the EU. A content analysis is used on the Association Agreement as well as the EU Policy Paper `Cadre Unique d’appui 2017-2020´ towards Tunisia.This study uses a definition of neoliberalism based on Joseph Stiglitz well-renowned critique on IMF-policies in developing countries in the 1980s-1990s. The result of the analysis shows that even though policy or trade provisions may correspond to a neoliberal agenda, the overall language in both the trade agreement and the policy documents suggest that EU is well-aware of possible negative effects of neoliberal policies. Throughout the documents EU advocates for a balanced approach including both economic and social interests.The study does not find evidence for EU knowingly pursuing a neoliberal agenda in Tunisia. Instead it suggests that future studies on the topic should focus on the EU Commission’s own projections of its policies, a more thorough study on policy effects of specific treaty- and policy provisions, and/ or how neoliberal approaches have recently evolved in development policies.