This dissertation examines the emergence of norms and the process through which these influence state behaviour. State identity conceptualized in ethnic or civic terms, shapes state preferences concerning the recognition of new states. Hence, the ethnic or civic identity of Germany, France, Greece and Italy influenced their policy on recognition of the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia, FYROM (Macedonia) and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nevertheless, the examination of these policies indicates that these preferences were tempered by security concerns and perceptions of threat. Hence, although this thesis supports the constructivist claim on the power of principles such as identity, it also incorporates the realist claims on the significance of geopolitics in foreign policy. Consequently, it does not claim the supremacy of one theory over another instead it attempts to provide a better framework for understanding the sources of foreign policy.

This thesis relies on evidence from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to argue that systematic ethnic violence occurred during the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina because of the implementation of extreme ideological visions promoted by top political leaders. The first section demonstrates how Serb and Croat nationalist politicians in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia determined to create expanded monoethnic states as Yugoslavia collapsed in 1991-92. The second section illustrates how institutions dominated by Serbian President Slobodan Milos̆evic and the Croatian government led by Franjo Tudman sponsored the military campaigns conducted by Bosnian Serb and Croat forces, which attempted to realise the visions imagined in 1991-92. The final section reveals how in 1994-95, leaders from Croatia and Serbia shifted their short term strategies towards Bosnia for pragmatic reasons, and while the Croatian leadership succeeded in forcing Bosnian Croat nationalists to abate their separatist campaign, Milos̆evic's efforts to pacify the Bosnian Serb leadership failed and Radovan Karadz̆ic's regime continued to pursue its state-building programme until its defeat in summer 1995. Although both Milos̆evic and Tudman yielded their pre-war ambitions in the face of battlefield outcomes and international pressure, this thesis argues that both leaders regarded the peace agreements they signed as temporary compromises on their long-term ambitions. The words of top political decision-makers reveal the ideas and reasoning that inspired programmes to homogenise multi-ethnic Bosnia and divide it between Serbia and Croatia.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-172). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=1240706801&SrchMode=1&sid=16&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1195058857&clientId=5220

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2004. / Adviser: Hurst Hannum. Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

En este trabajo se analizan las transformaciones ocurridas en la ciudad de Sarajevo después de la guerra de 1992-95. En particular se investiga cómo los cambios ocurridos en los últimos 20 años en el nivel macro (eso es: la doble transición, post-socialista y post-bélica) quedan reflejados, por un lado, en la forma exterior que asume la ciudad (por lo tanto su modificación física, nuevos proyectos urbanos) y, por el otro, cómo dichos cambios afectan a las relaciones sociales, sobre todo las tradicionales relaciones entre vecinos. El céntrico barrio de Marijin Dvor, emblemático por la presencia de las principales instituciones políticas y económicas, es el terreno en el que se desarrolla este primer eje de la investigación. Ahí me he dedicado a desarrollar principalmente dos temas: antes que nada, reconstruir las modificaciones en el régimen de propiedad de la vivienda que ha supuesto la caída del socialismo y la instalación de mecanismos propios del capitalismo neoliberal; en segundo lugar, analizar la institución bosnia del komšiluk -las buenas relaciones entre vecinos pertenecientes a comunidades etnoreligiosas distintas- y las perturbaciones que ha sufrido por efecto de la guerra. El segundo eje, antitético pero especular al primero, tiene como campo de observación una montaña muy cercana a la ciudad, el monte Trebević, que encarna un poderoso conjunto de complejos que afectan hoy a la sociedad sarajevita y bosnia en general. Antaño el destino favorito de las excursiones de los ciudadanos de Sarajevo, en 1984 sede olímpica (con todo lo que esto supone en un nivel simbólico), en 1992 fue ocupado por las tropas serbio-bosnias que lo convirtieron en uno de los puntos más estratégicos para el asedio. La montaña, de ser uno de los símbolos de la ciudad, se ha convertido en un territorio maldito al que ya no sube casi nadie. En este sentido, el espacio del monte es interpretado como una suerte de subconsciente urbano, allá donde quedan escondidos los traumas de ayer y los problemas de hoy, mientras que más abajo, en el valle de la ciudad, el nuevo capitalismo rampante, en su intento de asentarse establemente en Bosnia Herzegovina, se apodera del paisaje urbano y lo convierte en un escenario para el desfile de su poder y sus expectativas de cara al futuro inmediato. El título de la tesis hace referencia al trastorno por estrés post-traumático (TEPT), del que se calcula que hasta un 60% de la población de Sarajevo ha mostrado síntomas. Aquí, el TEPT es de entenderse como una metáfora que describe el presente de la ciudad. En años recientes, la reconstrucción post-bélica y el crecimiento urbano, empujados por los nuevos agentes capitalistas, se dan como en un estado de excitación (rápidos, sin planificación, saltándose las leyes), como si semejante frenesí fuera una manera de dejar atrás el evento traumático y librarse de los fantasmas del pasado. Estos, sin embargo, precisamente porque el trauma no ha sido reelaborado del todo, vuelven en forma de –o son somatizados en- los lugares “malditos” de la ciudad, congelados en el tiempo como si la guerra acabara de terminar: un flashbacks constante de la tragedia para todos aquellos –la mayoría de la población- que no se atreven a frecuentarlos y hacen como si no existieran, cuando los tienen siempre ante sus ojos. / RESUME OF THE THESIS “POST-TRAUMATIC CITY. MARIJIN DVOR AND MOUNT TREBEVIĆ, TWO URBAN SPACES IN TRANSITION IN SARAJEVO” The main aim of this work has been to investigate transformations happened in the city of Sarajevo after the 1992-95 conflict. Particularly, I focused on how recent changes in the macro-level (the double transition: post-socialist and post-war), on the one hand, are reflected in the external form of the city (therefore its physical modifications, new urban projects) and, on the other, how they affect its social fabric, specially traditional relations between neighbours belonging to different ethno-religious communities, and the mental maps of its inhabitants. The title of this study comes from Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD): recent studies calculated that up to 60% of Sarajevo population has shown symptoms of this disease. Here, PTSD is to be understood as a metaphor which describes the present of the city, and also helps to better understand the relation between such different spaces, as the central district of Marijin Dvor and wild Mount Trebević, that constitute our observation fields. In recent years, post-war reconstruction and urban growth, boosted by new capitalist agents, were happening in a sort of frenzied state of excitement (quickly, without any planning, breaking or conveniently manipulating the existing rules, as it can be seen in Marijin Dvor, "Sarajevo's new financial and commercial quarter"), as if such acceleration was a way to leave the traumatic event behind, to get rid of the phantoms of the past. These, nonetheless, precisely because the trauma has not been fully reworked, come back in form of –or are somatized in the “damned” places of the city, frozen in time as if war just ended: Mount Trebević is one of them, the place for the hidden, the forgotten and the painful, a constant flashback of the tragedy for all those -the majority of population- who don’t dare to frequent them anymore and pretend not to see them when they’re always in front of their eyes.