Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In essence this thesis attempts to answer two questions: Broadly, what is “fundamentalism,” and particularly, “evangelical fundamentalism”? Ever since the terrorist attacks on the twin towers in New York on September 11, 2001, “fundamentalism” has become a synonymous term for these and any other militant Islamist attacks. Yet fundamentalism is historically an American and Protestant phenomenon. However, because fundamentalism is not merely a Protestant phenomenon but more distinctively a “sub-species” of nineteenth century evangelicalism in America, and because one cannot historically separate fundamentalism from evangelicalism, I prefer to adopt the term “evangelical fundamentalism.” Yet there is more to the term than simply defining it appropriately within a certain historical context. For example, many conservative evangelicals can neither be labeled, historically or theologically, as “fundamentalists” nor as “evangelical fundamentalists.” Definitions change over time. An understanding of the movement’s history—its resistance to modernity and engagement with postmodernity— will need to be examined as it opens up more questions concerning its identity and theology. After summarizing its historical development and evolution, I emphasize the fact that a simple definition does not exist—the movement is too heterogeneous. I therefore identify and adopt a plurality of senses or perspectives to the term and to what it means to be an “evangelical fundamentalist” today. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In essensie poog hierdie tesis om twee vrae te beantwoord: Breedweg, wat is “fundamentalisme,” en in die besonder, “evangeliese fundamentalisme”? Sedert die terroriste-aanval op die tweelingtorings in New York op 11 September 2001, het “fundamentalisme” ‘n sinonieme term geword vir hierdie en soortgelyke militante Islamitiese aanvalle. Tog is fundamentalisme histories ‘n Amerikaanse en Protestantse fenomeen/verskynsel. Omdat fundamentalisme egter nie slegs ‘n protestantse fenomeen is nie, maar meer spesifiek ‘n “sub-spesie” van neëntiende eeuse evangeliekalisme of evangeliesgesindheid in Amerika, en omdat fundamentalisme en evangeliekalisme histories nie van mekaar geskei kan word nie, verkies ek om die term “evangeliese fundamentalisme” aan te neem. Daar is egter meer aan die term as om dit eenvoudig toepaslik binne ‘n sekere historiese konteks te definieer. Vele evangeliesgesindes kan byvoorbeeld nie histories of teologies as “fundamentaliste” of “evangeliese fundamentaliste” geëtiketeer word nie. Definisies verander met verloop van tyd. ‘n Begrip van die beweging se gekiedenis – sy weerstand teen modernisme en sy verbintenis met postmodernisme – sal ondersoek moet word aangesien dit meer vrae omtrent sy identiteit en teologie aan die lig bring. Na ‘n opsomming van sy historiese ontwikkeling en evolusie, belkemtoon ek die feit dat ‘n eenvoudige definisie nie bestaan nie – die beweging is te heterogeen. Ek identifiseer en verbind daarom ‘n pluraliteit/verskeidenheid van perspektiewe met die term of begrip van wat dit beteken om vandag ‘n “evangeliese fundamentalis” te wees.

Under the shade of escalating violence and fundamentalism, our epoch's diffused aura of liberalism supposedly tolerates difference, by exorcising the evil phantasms of totalitarianism, in favour of a liberal and humane post-modem order. Consequently, behind contemporary versions of evil, one demonises modem 'fascists', 'totalitarian threats', and 'Hitlers'. As if not obscure enough, fascist evil has been equivocally linked with perversion. Considering this link a tenebrous enigma, my thesis suggests that psychoanalysis can successfully elucidate its problematic and feeble basis, by reappraising previous narratives from a number of different discourses that inscribe the liaison between fascism and perversion in their representational stage. In a first approach, the present study dissects texts as heterogeneous, as film, social theory, political philosophy, and psychoanalysis. This is to show that, despite the divergent speculative angle that each discourse espouses, perversion is a common exegetic thread, intertextually sewing their narratives. The objective of my criticism that goes through psychoanalysis, without, however, exempting it from this criticism, is to reveal that both fascism and perversion implicate the non-symbolisable kernel in politics, which becomes the source of their mystification. My thesis argues that the fascist does not take the same discursive position, as the pervert does, regarding this symbolic gap. The first is interested in domination, drawn from the superiority of his ideology's master signifier, whereas the latter is interested in excavating the emptiness of any master signifier and in constantly provoking prefabricated knowledge, similarly to the hysteric. Apart from the level of discourse, on the ethical level, I disengage the view that sees Sade and the Nazi officer, as emblematic figures of a Kantian ethical gesture. Considering the imaginary hypostasis of their ethical performance, I argue that personal interests, fantasies and desires, determine the austerity of their ethical duty. Yet, the fantasies of Sade and Nazism are incongruent, insomuch as they are organised by antithetical ideals. Finally, I develop a new rhetoric, de-pathologised and de-ideologised, regarding the structure of the so-called pervert, introducing new vocabularies and directions for psychoanalytic research that further distance the pervert, or whom I call the extra-ordinary subject, from fascist politics and, instead, expose his diachronic "fascist" isolation from the social edifice. This reveals the fruitful alternatives that can stem from a 'return to Freud cum Lacan, which supports a flexible on-going reformulation of psychoanalytic knowledge.

The Kingdom of Thailand currently faces internal and transnational Islamic insurgent threats that have the potential to disrupt Southeast Asian regional stability. As a Major Non-NATO Ally and the signatory of several bilateral and multilateral security arrangements with the US, Thailand has solidified itself as a security alliance partner whose stability and influence in Southeast Asia has become increasingly more important to the US and its War on Terror. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a history and analysis of the Islamic insurgency and transnational terrorist operations that exist in Thailand today. Secondly, this thesis will highlight current Thai, US, and regional security initiatives and underscore policy deficiencies. Finally, this thesis will recommend a solution strategy necessary for the purge of radical Islamic insurgency and transnational terrorism in Thailand. By accepting current policy deficiencies and implementing the courses of action recommended in this thesis, the US and Thailand will both contribute to a greater Southeast Asian security.

Political solutions have been found for several longstanding conflicts in Africa in 2003 - in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia and Burundi. The political arrangements in these countries may not necessarily usher in permanent peace and stability, but they at least afford an opportunity to work toward such goals. Unfortunately, this is not the case for Somalia, where anarchy, violence and chaos have prevailed for over 15 years. A national reconciliation conference - the 14th of its kind â sat in Nairobi for two years and finally formed a Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in August, 2004. As usual, the outcome of the conference was not welcomed, either by warlords or later on by Islamic clerics in Somalia. Nonetheless, despite institutional obstacles, the Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) has continued to press their intention to send peacekeepers to Somalia to reinstall the fragile transitional government against the wishes of the Islamic Courts Council (ICC). This thesis examines the possible strategies that IGAD should consider using in its intended mission of supporting the restoration of the Transitional Inter Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) has continued to press their intention to send peacekeepers to Somalia to reinstall the fragile transitional government against the wishes of the Islamic Courts Council (ICC). This thesis examines the possible strategies that IGAD should consider using in its intended mission of supporting the restoration of the Transitional Federal Government.

On September 28, 2000, Israel's Likud party leader, Ariel Sharon, visited the Temple Mount in the Old City of Jerusalem. His visit spawned the al-Aqsa Intifada, a period of significant Palestinian resistance that has never "officially" ended, and whose reverberations continue to be felt to this day. This thesis assesses Israel's counter-terror strategies and tactics during the al-Aqsa Intifada in light of established scholarly measures of effectiveness. It focuses on specific Israeli actions aimed at countering Palestinian resistance. These include: targeted assassinations, home demolitions, collective punishments, border controls, administrative detention, controls on terrorist financing and technological advances. It assesses those tactics, year by year, to determine whether or not there was a correlation between the tactics and the number of anti-Israeli terrorist incidents. This tactical analysis provides a basis on which to appraise Israeli counter-terror strategy and its long-term effectiveness. It concludes with a consideration of the long-term implications of the Israeli's experience.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / The stance of the Balkans towards global Islamic extremism has been much discussed, but little subject to substantive comparative inquiry. In this thesis I utilize social movement theory to analyze the relation between Islamic revivalism and the global Salafi jihad in the Balkans. Comparing Bosnia and Bulgaria, I not only demonstrate the various manifestations of these phenomena but also argue for a differentiated case-by-case approach when implementing the suggested analytical framework. I effectively show that the process of Islamic revivalism is mainly an imported phenomena maintained through the financial and ideological support from the Middle East. I also prove that there is no causal relationship between the Islamic revivalism and global Salafi jihad. Yet, the findings of the case studies caution against the possibility of structural and ideological convergence of the two phenomena that could effectively lead to the emergence of permissive environment for the spread of global Salafi jihad. I also argue that the current Islamic revival poses security threat to the region due to its potential of developing into viable Islamic movements on the ground. I conclude that to counter such security implications, the Balkan governments need to revisit their policies and adopt a proactive approach qualitatively different from the US Global War on Terror strategic framework.

Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey / Arab Nationalism rose to prominence in the Middle East region following the establishment of the mandate states after World War II. The ideology attempted to unite the area and to propel the Arabs forward. The collapse of Arab Nationalism left many in the region questioning the very basics of their culture. Islam became the answer for the failure of Arab Nationalism because it offered the Arabs a genuine ideology, unlike Arab Nationalism which was imported from European ideas. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

A partir da análise do romance Sombras da Romãzeira, do escritor paquistanês Tariq Ali, a dissertação aborda a importância da civilização árabe na construção da cultura espanhola antes do período de Reconquista e o processo de expulsão de judeus e mouros, em virtude do fundamentalismo religioso cristão. / This work has the purpose to analyse the first Tariq Ali´s Islam Quintet Novel Shadows of the Pomegranate tree, according to the historical process of Reconquest, the Moorish cultural contribution in Spanish society and the presence of Catholic Fundamentalism in the Inquisition period of this nation.

The thesis examines the phenomenon of organised political violence in Nigeria exploring its root cause(s) and sustaining factor(s), using the extreme terrorist activities of the Boko Haram sect as a case study. The severe negative impact of this sect on the fabric of Nigerian society has led to a burgeoning scholarly literature investigating the sect and the phenomenon of organised political violence which, for the most part, concentrates on the gamut of political, economic and social ills that are held to drive violence in the country. The thesis contends that, whilst these variables are symptoms or outcomes of political violence, it is the tacit political culture adopted by Nigeria’s political elite that is the core cause of recurring periods of political violence and the groups that use violence. Elements of elite political culture such as zero sum politics, political elite manipulation of social cleavages and identity politics, themselves enabled by elite involvement in governance, leads to mis-governance by the elite in power and the concomitant emergence of social movements or groups to convey the grievances of sections of the country’s diverse population. These movements are, in turn, co-opted by individuals within the elite who use the movements’ muscle and influence to coerce the electorate, notably during election periods. This results in the social movements’ transformation into organised political violent groups. When the alliance with the movement ceases to benefit the elite and/or the level of violence becomes counter-productive, as was the case the northern political elite and Boko Haram, the elite reverses its rhetoric, recasting the movement, its creation, as the enemy.

Orientador: Arlindo Rebechi Junior / Banca: Laan Mendes de Barros / Banca: Eliza Bachega Casadei / Resumo: Esta pesquisa se propõe a investigar as marcas da cultura audiovisual contemporânea inscritas nas propagandas produzidas pela Al Hayat Media Center, braço midiático do Estado Islâmico (EI) especializado na produção de conteúdos em inglês e idiomas europeus. A investigação cerca-se de um repertório teórico que procura elucidar os motivos por trás das escolhas discursivas e técnicas que dão forma a essas produções, o que nos conduz a três etapas iniciais de trabalho. A primeira é o mapeamento do processo de ascensão dos movimentos fundamentalistas islâmicos modernos, o que nos dá um vislumbre da narrativa que influenciou o pensamento dos ideólogos criadores do Islamismo no século XX, cujas ideias servem como base para a construção do discurso do EI. O passo seguinte é desvelar as práticas midiáticas do movimento do qual o grupo deriva, mostrando como elas evoluíram paralelamente ao processo de globalização e disseminação de novas tecnologias da comunicação. Reflexões sobre os processos constitutivos da cultura e os impactos dos novos sistemas de informação e comunicação sobre eles, sob o viés da midiatização, completam a apreensão do fenômeno, assim como os parâmetros da cultural audiovisual contemporânea que nos ajudam a situar as ações do Estado Islâmico numa sociedade permanentemente "atacada" por bombas de imagens que reavivam o poder do realismo. A partir dessa base teórica, analisamos 10 vídeos lançados pela Al Hayat Media Center entre 2014 e 2016. Disponibilizados no rep... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This study aims to investigate the marks of the contemporary audiovisual culture inscribed in the propaganda produced by Al Hayat Media Center, a media arm of the Islamic State (IS), specialized in the production of content in English and European languages. The investigation bases on a theoretical repertoire, which seeks to clarify the motives behind the discursive and technical choices that shape these productions, leading us to three initial stages of work. The first is the mapping of the ascension process of modern Islamic fundamentalist movements, which gives us a glimpse of the narrative that influenced the thinking of the ideologists who created Islamism in the 20th century and whose ideas serve as the basis for the construction of the IS discourse. The next step is to unveil the media practices of the movement from which the group derives, showing how they evolved in parallel to the process of globalization and dissemination of new communication technologies. Reflections on the constitutive processes of culture and the impacts of the new information and communication systems on them, under the mediatization bias, complete the apprehension of the phenomenon. In addition, the parameters of contemporary audiovisual culture help us situate the actions of the Islamic State in a society permanently "attacked" by bombs of images that revive the power of the realism. It is the background, which supports the analysis of 10 videos released by the Al Hayat Media Center between 2... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre