Despite the ever-expanding criticism of the way the international community conducts its aid missions, it remains clear that humanitarian intervention is necessary for the successful rebuilding of post-genocide nations. As such, the interactions of the international aid community with the national governments and local communities of Cambodia, Guatemala and Rwanda are of particular importance to this thesis. By analyzing these relationships and their resulting policies, it becomes clear that peace cannot last if the survivors are unable to relate to the justice and reconciliation measures implemented. Local cultural norms and traditions, as well as input from survivors, must be the foundation from which national and international policies are built. Furthermore, the goal of international intervention must focus on rebuilding the legitimacy of the nation-state in the eyes of both the local citizens and the international community. As it is oftentimes the state itself that commits genocide against its own people, it is imperative that the new government be seen as separate from the old, that the state itself institute justice and reconciliation policies with the aid of the international community, and that the international community adhere to a “light footprint” policy. Ultimately, the most effective solutions are those that have cultural and historical meaning for the affected local communities, are implemented by the state and are supported by the international community. To establish sustainable initiatives the international community must adopt a human rights oriented policy that addresses the underlying causes of genocide and encourages the local appropriation of human rights dialogue. Using an analytical framework derived from anthropology’s foci on human rights, politics and law, I argue that the recognition of overarching themes across these case studies can help improve the way international, national and local post-genocide justice, reconciliation and state-building policies are formed.

Exposure to traumatic events has deleterious effect resulting in considerable psychological (cognitive and affective/emotional), physical and social impairments. In contrast to natural disasters, victims of man-made disasters have been reported to be vulnerable to severe psychological and psychiatric disorders affecting a large number of abilities and lasting for many years. Among the most common psychiatric diagnosis associated with violence exposure is the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Like adults, children and adolescents are not exempt from this situation. In 1994, Rwanda experienced an unprecedented genocide in which about 800.000 Tutsi, for their majority, were atrociously murdered (UN). This genocide generated multiple and massive stressors that may lead to severe and long-lasting PTSD among its survivors, including children and adolescents. Report on traumas exposure and psychological reactions to genocide among young survivors in Rwanda (Dyregrov et al., 2000) unanimously indicate a precarious situation. At the social level, children and adolescents heading household (CHH) are presumably the most vulnerable given their social deprivation. Moreover, the increased number of significant losses (parents, siblings, relatives, family and community cohesion) and the traumatic nature of the death predict traumatic grief among the young orphans of the genocide in Rwanda. The embedment of traumas and bereavement in this population is postulated to increase the likelihood of severe and persistent posttraumatic distress. With regard to the genocide in Rwanda, especially the extent of its damages; it is hypothesized that psychological consequences from such disaster are crucial. Considering social categories of young survivors, CHH are hypothesized to be vulnerable to several psychological sequels given their social and economic living conditions. The trauma exposure history, traumatic bereavement of key caretakers and attachment figures (parents and other relatives), lack of adult guardianship, insecure family structures and precarious social support are risk factors predicting poor outcomes. About the structure, this thesis consists of seven chapters, the general introduction and conclusion excluded. The two first chapters are theoretical and overview the literature related to PTSD (Chapter 1) and the association of trauma and bereavement (Chapter 2) resulting in a conjunction of PTSD and grief. They clarify issues related to symptoms and semiotic concepts, diagnostic and assessment protocols, and demonstrate how PTSD and grief can be embedded on certain aspects but not on others. At the empirical level, findings from PTSD prevalence (chapter 3) and the association of PTSD and grief (chapter 4) among young people survivors of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda are presented. Furthermore, continuous exposure to post-genocide trauma reminders, deleterious socio-economic life conditions, coping strategies and PTSD comorbidity are presented as major risk factors to persistent and complex post-traumatic distress (Chapter 5). Finally, given our findings, a rumination focused cognitive and behavioural therapeutic (RFCBT) protocol is tested in a pilot sample (Chapters 6) and in a Randomized Controlled Trial (RCT) (chapter 7).

This thesis arises out of a participant-observational study of narrative histories of people's experiences in Catholic residential schools in Saskatchewan. All the Elders interviewed are First Nations Anisin&#257b&#275^l people, most of whom live on five reserves north-west of Yorkton. All are recognized Elders². The Elders have the common experience of having had at least one youth (or a young relative between the ages of ten to twenty-five years old) in their immediate families commit one of these acts of violence: murder, manslaughter, infanticide, or suicide. The Elders also had the shared personal experiences of being in residential schools.<p> One research objective was to evaluate the influence of historical residential school experience upon subsequent attitudes to violence by youth in their family units. I formulated the study as an empirical test for a number of reasons: i) to examine a principal conclusion of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1996) that documented the high rate of suicide among Aboriginal youth is a consequence of psycho-social dysfunction arising out of the residential school experience; ii) to review government policies of colonalization that led to personal abuse of Aboriginal youth in parochial residential schools, abuses that have contributed to lasting social problems for Aboriginal peoples; and iii) to study the healing movement. A Government policy lead to personal abuse that lead to a social problem.<p> The common theme that emerges out of the collective experiences of Elders is the common history of abuse suffered by Aboriginal students at parochial residential schools, the wholesale destruction of the Aboriginal family unit, and "social dysfunction" within the Aboriginal community caused by church and state for ideological and political objectives. My argument focuses on genocide and not justice issues, and it is framed by my own experiences as an Aboriginal woman who survived residential school.<p> <b>¹ Anisin&#257b&#275 means a beautiful people who are Saulteaux speaking people living in Saskatchewan whose ancestors signed Treaty Four.<p> ² All are recognized Elders in my mind. In my culture if you as a person, in this case myself, consider some person as an expert or as an Elder, who is to argue with me and say my opinion does not count. For example I chose a woman from my tribe and my clan to give me the correct spellings to the Saulteaux words I use in my thesis. In my culture you do not name yourself as an Elder, other people do that. Some Elders get widely known by many people, others are known as Elders in their immediate clans and tribes. Therefore in my thesis, they are Elders in my eyes because they have experiential wisdom.</b><p>

This thesis arises out of a participant-observational study of narrative histories of people's experiences in Catholic residential schools in Saskatchewan. All the Elders interviewed are First Nations Anisin&#257b&#275^l people, most of whom live on five reserves north-west of Yorkton. All are recognized Elders². The Elders have the common experience of having had at least one youth (or a young relative between the ages of ten to twenty-five years old) in their immediate families commit one of these acts of violence: murder, manslaughter, infanticide, or suicide. The Elders also had the shared personal experiences of being in residential schools.<p> One research objective was to evaluate the influence of historical residential school experience upon subsequent attitudes to violence by youth in their family units. I formulated the study as an empirical test for a number of reasons: i) to examine a principal conclusion of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1996) that documented the high rate of suicide among Aboriginal youth is a consequence of psycho-social dysfunction arising out of the residential school experience; ii) to review government policies of colonalization that led to personal abuse of Aboriginal youth in parochial residential schools, abuses that have contributed to lasting social problems for Aboriginal peoples; and iii) to study the healing movement. A Government policy lead to personal abuse that lead to a social problem.<p> The common theme that emerges out of the collective experiences of Elders is the common history of abuse suffered by Aboriginal students at parochial residential schools, the wholesale destruction of the Aboriginal family unit, and "social dysfunction" within the Aboriginal community caused by church and state for ideological and political objectives. My argument focuses on genocide and not justice issues, and it is framed by my own experiences as an Aboriginal woman who survived residential school.<p> <b>¹ Anisin&#257b&#275 means a beautiful people who are Saulteaux speaking people living in Saskatchewan whose ancestors signed Treaty Four.<p> ² All are recognized Elders in my mind. In my culture if you as a person, in this case myself, consider some person as an expert or as an Elder, who is to argue with me and say my opinion does not count. For example I chose a woman from my tribe and my clan to give me the correct spellings to the Saulteaux words I use in my thesis. In my culture you do not name yourself as an Elder, other people do that. Some Elders get widely known by many people, others are known as Elders in their immediate clans and tribes. Therefore in my thesis, they are Elders in my eyes because they have experiential wisdom.</b><p>

Despite the ever-expanding criticism of the way the international community conducts its aid missions, it remains clear that humanitarian intervention is necessary for the successful rebuilding of post-genocide nations. As such, the interactions of the international aid community with the national governments and local communities of Cambodia, Guatemala and Rwanda are of particular importance to this thesis. By analyzing these relationships and their resulting policies, it becomes clear that peace cannot last if the survivors are unable to relate to the justice and reconciliation measures implemented. Local cultural norms and traditions, as well as input from survivors, must be the foundation from which national and international policies are built. Furthermore, the goal of international intervention must focus on rebuilding the legitimacy of the nation-state in the eyes of both the local citizens and the international community. As it is oftentimes the state itself that commits genocide against its own people, it is imperative that the new government be seen as separate from the old, that the state itself institute justice and reconciliation policies with the aid of the international community, and that the international community adhere to a “light footprint” policy.Ultimately, the most effective solutions are those that have cultural and historical meaning for the affected local communities, are implemented by the state and are supported by the international community. To establish sustainable initiatives the international community must adopt a human rights oriented policy that addresses the underlying causes of genocide and encourages the local appropriation of human rights dialogue. Using an analytical framework derived from anthropology’s foci on human rights, politics and law, I argue that the recognition of overarching themes across these case studies can help improve the way international, national and local post-genocide justice, reconciliation and state-building policies are formed.

Thesis (B.A.) --Butler University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 50-53).

New approaches to third-party conflict resolution stress the significance of the interconnections between the interventions of various external actors. Recent empirical and policy-onented work on civil wars underscores the recurrent policy challenges such external actors face in peace processes. Taken together, the two bodies of work provide a framework for assessing the impact of international conflict resolution efforts. The thesis explores the connections between different third-party conflict resolution efforts that accompanied the Rwandan civil war, from 1990 to 1994, and assesses the individual and collective impact they had on the course of that conflict. Empirical chapters, arranged chronologically, review pre-negotiation efforts, mediation processes, and both diplomatic and peacekeeping efforts to secure the implementation of a peace agreement signed in August 1993. This review considers official and unofficial efforts by both state and non-state actors. Applying the framework to the empirical material, the thesis explores a seeming paradox: that the genocide that engulfed Rwanda in 1994 was preceded by a wide range of international efforts to contain and manage what started off as a small-scale civil war. The thesis dispels the conventional wisdom that nothing was done to prevent the genocide in Rwanda. Rather, it provides empirical and theoretical evidence that the failure of the peace process was not a function of the weakness of any one third-party effort, but of the paucity of the connections between them. In so doing, the thesis generates further insights into the critical role—and current weakness—of co-ordinating elements in peace processes. The thesis then highlights the theoretical implications of the case study. First, it confirms the significance of interconnections between third-party interventions, and adds detail as to the various positive and negative forms those interconnections may take. Second, it highlights the fact that recurrent obstacles to conflict resolution in civil wars may arise not only from the nature of the wars themselves, but also from the nature of third-party intervenors. Thus, it suggests a shift in emphasis both for empirical and theoretical investigation onto intervening actors, and in particular the systems and processes that co-ordinate and organise their efforts—or fail to do so. The central arguments of the thesis serve as a cautionary tale about the limits of third-party conflict resolutrnn, and as an argument for systematic reform of the international system for managing third-party interventions.

Preparing for Genocide: Community Work in Rwanda How do political elites prepare the civilian population for participation in violent conflict? We empirically investigate this question using village-level data from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. Every Saturday before 1994, Rwandan villagers had to meet to work on community infrastructure, a practice called Umuganda. This practice was highly politicized and, before the genocide, regularly used by the local political elites for spreading propaganda. To establish causality, we exploit cross-sectional variation in meeting intensity induced by exogenous weather fluctuations. We find that a one standard-deviation increase in the number of rainy Saturdays resulted in a 20 percent lower civilian participation rate in genocide violence.   Mobilizing the Masses for Genocide Do political elites use armed groups to foster civilian participation in violence or are civilian killers driven by unstoppable ancient hatred? If armed groups matter, are they allocated strategically to maximize civilian participation? How do they mobilize civilians? I empirically investigate these three questions using village-level data from the Rwandan Genocide. To establish causality, I exploit cross-sectional variation in armed groups' transport costs induced by exogenous weather fluctuations: the shortest distance of each village to the main road interacted with rainfall along the dirt tracks between the main road and the village. Guided by a simple model, I come up with the following answers to the three central questions: (1) one additional armed-group member resulted in 7.3 more civilian perpetrators, (2) armed-group leaders responded rationally to exogenous transport costs and dispatched their men strategically to maximize civilian participation and (3) for the majority of villages, armed-group members acted as role models and civilians followed orders, but in villages with high levels of cross-ethnic marriage, civilians had to be forced to join in. Finally, a back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that a military intervention targeting the various armed groups could have stopped the Rwandan Genocide.   The Legacy of Political Mass Killings: Evidence from the Rwandan Genocide We study how political mass killings affect later economic performance, using data from the Rwandan Genocide. Our results show that households in villages that experienced higher levels of violence have higher living standards six years after the genocide. They enjoy higher levels of consumption, own more assets and agricultural output per capita is higher. These results are consistent with the Malthusian hypothesis that mass killings can raise living standards by reducing the population size and redistributing assets from the deceased to the survivors. However, we also find that the violence affected the age distribution in villages, raised fertility rates among female survivors and reduced cognitive skills of children.   Ethnic Income Inequality and Conflict in Africa This paper shows that income inequality between ethnic groups increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict in Africa. To establish causality, we exploit variation in rainfall over each ethnic group’s homeland. One standard-deviation increase in ethnic inequality increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict by about 66 percent. Our results have important policy implications to the extent that global climate change might affect different regions differently and thus increase inequality and conflict.

This study focuses on the trilogy of Yolande Mukagasana, a survivor of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda: La mort ne veut pas de moi (1997), N'aie pas peur de savoir (1999) and Les Blessures du silence (2001). The reading of Mukagasana's works about genocide raises the question of the unspeakable. On the one hand, the language struggles to express the witness’s suffering. On the other hand, the experience of the genocide does not have landmarks for the witness who undertakes the task to tell her story. The topic addressed in the second chapter of this thesis is about the difficulty and the urgency to testify which prompt the witness to use different discursive strategies to approach the horror and convince the reader of the truth of her story. The analysis confirms with examples that the literary testimony does not use less literary devices than fictional texts. The third chapter addresses the preservation of the memory of the genocide and its victims. It also talks about justice that has to punish the perpetrators of the greatest crime against humanity. The thesis wraps up by looking at the cathartic function of the testimony. / Thesis (Master, French) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-14 11:13:17.318

This study deals with the problem of transitional justice in post-genocide Rwanda in the light of South African experience. Transitional justice, a kind of justice pertinent to societies in transition from dictatorship to democracy where the new democratic regime faces the challenge of how to redress the abuses of the past, varies according to each case. While South African transitional justice has taken a form of mixed memory and punishment with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the case of Rwanda still presents a number of difficulties. First and foremost, unlike South Africa, Rwanda is a case of genocide and so far there is no agreement about how to think of and understand this genocide. Of the three different sources considered in this study, Adedeji and the Human Rights Watch Report argue that genocide was planned in advance, while Mamdani contends that it was a result of the failure of governmental forces to win the war and the advancement of the rebels, and nothing as such was planned before. . Besides the genocide, the continuation of human rights violations and the lack of will to change, the lack of democracy, the continuation of international support despite the lack of transparency in governance, along with other elements, hold Rwanda in the pretransition stage. In this study, I examine the close links between transitional justice and Truth and Reconciliation Commission, I raise the question of what it would mean for Rwanda to have a successful Truth and Reconciliation Commission; given the history of genocide, and I discuss the failure of the Commission in Arusha. For transitional justice to take place in Rwanda, every form of armed struggle must stop so as to allow Rwandans (all conflicting parties involved) to take the genocide seriously and face its entire truth with courage and honesty. The truth of genocide would clarify the misconception of Rwandan history and would allow Rwandans to change their mentality and belief that ethnic majority means necessarily political majority and to embrace a more transethnic political identity. Then the establishment of a judiciary system capable of dealing with the abuses of the past would be possible. This new democratic regime, which would be democratically organized when all these requirements are met, would determine what kind of transitional justice would be pertinent to the Rwandan case. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.