In this thesis I explore the implications of the extension of 'spousal' status to samesex couples from the perspective of queer people who experience intersectional or complex oppression. This study is grounded in a rejection of the necessity or efficacy of attempting to understanding the oppressions facing queer people from only one perspective. I reject the notion that such a simplistic approach to understanding oppression is conceptually honest. Put simply, I argue that what is often characterised as a purely 'gay and lesbian' approach to reform—namely, the consideration of only oppression related to 'sexual orientation' or 'heterosexism'—is in reality the prioritisation of the limited perspective of those who only experience systemic disadvantage related to their race. These people are a small minority of queer people. Unlike many other academics and activists, I do not conclude with a 'yes' or 'no' response to the question of whether same-sex spousal status should be sought. The analysis presented in this thesis does not permit such a final conclusion for three reasons. First, I argue that the implications of the extension of spousal status vary depending on the institutional context; in other words, the extension of spousal status is very different in the context of social assistance law as compared to the provision of employment-related benefits. Secondly, I argue that the extension of spousal status also varies among queer people; for example, the implications of the extension of spousal status to poor queers are vastly different from those who are wealthy. Thirdly, I argue that the decision to support the extension of spousal status to same-sex couples is inherently political; this decision cannot be immunised from political challenge on the basis that it is derived from some allegedly objective legal or socio-scientific calculus. Although I have endeavoured adopt a inter-disciplinary approach, this thesis does focus on legal rights discourse. To my mind, this focus is appropriate given the emphasis on 'rights talk' and the assumed benefits of formal equality within the community of academics and activists working on queer issues. In various parts of this thesis, I focus on the approaches of activists, academics, judges and legislators to the issue of the rights of queer people and the nature of equality. Ultimately, I conclude that until we begin to appreciate the complexity of the oppressions facing queer people, and avoid the false prioritisation of a 'purely gay and lesbian oppression' perspective, we will be unable to work in coalition or to effect progressive social change.

In this thesis I explore the implications of the extension of 'spousal' status to samesex couples from the perspective of queer people who experience intersectional or complex oppression. This study is grounded in a rejection of the necessity or efficacy of attempting to understanding the oppressions facing queer people from only one perspective. I reject the notion that such a simplistic approach to understanding oppression is conceptually honest. Put simply, I argue that what is often characterised as a purely 'gay and lesbian' approach to reform—namely, the consideration of only oppression related to 'sexual orientation' or 'heterosexism'—is in reality the prioritisation of the limited perspective of those who only experience systemic disadvantage related to their race. These people are a small minority of queer people. Unlike many other academics and activists, I do not conclude with a 'yes' or 'no' response to the question of whether same-sex spousal status should be sought. The analysis presented in this thesis does not permit such a final conclusion for three reasons. First, I argue that the implications of the extension of spousal status vary depending on the institutional context; in other words, the extension of spousal status is very different in the context of social assistance law as compared to the provision of employment-related benefits. Secondly, I argue that the extension of spousal status also varies among queer people; for example, the implications of the extension of spousal status to poor queers are vastly different from those who are wealthy. Thirdly, I argue that the decision to support the extension of spousal status to same-sex couples is inherently political; this decision cannot be immunised from political challenge on the basis that it is derived from some allegedly objective legal or socio-scientific calculus. Although I have endeavoured adopt a inter-disciplinary approach, this thesis does focus on legal rights discourse. To my mind, this focus is appropriate given the emphasis on 'rights talk' and the assumed benefits of formal equality within the community of academics and activists working on queer issues. In various parts of this thesis, I focus on the approaches of activists, academics, judges and legislators to the issue of the rights of queer people and the nature of equality. Ultimately, I conclude that until we begin to appreciate the complexity of the oppressions facing queer people, and avoid the false prioritisation of a 'purely gay and lesbian oppression' perspective, we will be unable to work in coalition or to effect progressive social change. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

The general objective of the study is to assess the role of culture and traditions as stumbling blocks in the legal reform that would lead to the decriminalization of same-sex sexual intercourse. Focuses on the sodomy laws in Africa with specific reference to Uganda. Compares the Ugandan and South African legal regimes. Uganda is chosen because it represents one of the African countries where same-sex unions are specifically prohibited by the Constitution. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof Pierre de Vos of the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town South Africa. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les mouvements LGBT en Belgique, en France et en Espagne à travers une double comparaison (entre les cas et à travers le temps) qui intègre également les échanges et influences transnationaux et internationaux. Elle examine l’émergence et le développement de la revendication d’ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe dans ces pays, analysant les convergences en termes de contenu des demandes et de timing des mobilisations. Par conséquent, elle porte sur des convergences au niveau des mouvements sociaux, à l’inverse de la majeure partie de la littérature, qui se concentre sur les convergences de politiques publiques. Cette situation impose de construire une grille d’analyse basée sur la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, les politiques publiques et les relations internationales (influence des normes internationales). Le développement des revendications relatives au droit au mariage a été retracé de manière généalogique depuis la fin des années 1980. La comparaison repose sur la méthode du most different systems design et un travail empirique important combinant analyse documentaire et entretiens a été réalisé. Cette thèse confirme l’importance de l’étude des échanges et des influences internationaux et transnationaux pour comprendre la politique domestique et insiste sur l’influence cruciale du réseautage transnational sur les revendications des mouvements sociaux. Elle révèle aussi quelques cas de diffusion entre mouvements sociaux et montre comment des caractéristiques et des contraintes communes peuvent inciter les mouvements sociaux à formuler des revendications similaires. Par ailleurs, les discours en faveur du droit au mariage ont été analysés avec soin. L’émergence de cette revendication a aussi été mise en perspective sur le plan historique, ce qui implique de réfléchir aux modalités de transformation des mouvements LGBT au cours des trente dernières années. Pour terminer, la notion de citoyenneté sexuelle a été interrogée et la manière dont l’accès à la citoyenneté a été posé a été examinée à partir du concept de resignification proposé par Judith Butler. <p><p><p>This dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification. <p><p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished