The study of archaeology within an ecological and evolutionary framework began with the study of changes in human subsistence through time. Within the last few decades archaeologists have expanded applications of evolutionary ecology (EE) beyond the dietary emphasis of the prey choice model toward increasingly complex and novel applications. The chapters in this dissertation provide several examples of this expansion, through novel examinations of the complex relationships between humans and their environment, as well as thoughtful examinations of social systems and non-subsistence related behavior through the prism of EE. Appendix A asks at what transport distance from a central place does big game become costly to procure relative to smaller local game? Results from this study show that big game is an economical choice at a one-way transport distance of over 100 km. These results are then used in Appendix B where isotope geochemistry is used to show both large and small game from Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon were transported over 70 km to the Canyon. Without the results from Appendix A, one would be inclined to describe the long-distance transport of large game as a costly signal, when in fact it is an economical choice, particularly in a depressed or low productivity habitat. Appendix C, demonstrates the applicability of costly signaling theory to non-dietary artifacts, by showing how geochemically sourced non-local goods contain a variety of social meaning.

This article reviews the evidence of the exchange of obsidian and cinnabar, highly coveted resources that traveled in prehistoric Peru from the south-central highlands to the Paracas culture area. The evidence for exchange of these materials is compared with evidence of cultural exchange between the coast and the south-central highlands, focusing on ceramic materials uncovered from excavations at the archaeological site Atalla, located in the region of Huancavelica, Peru. The article argues that the south-central highlands were integral to the obsidian and cinnabar exchange networks of the south coast. In particular, the site of Atalla, a regional ceremonial center connected to the Early Horizon interaction networks, was connected economically to the south coast and participated in the regional interaction sphere of the south-central highlands, but also maintained very strong cultural connections with the center of Chavín de Huántar. It is also suggested that the nature of the interactions between the Paracas society and those of the south-central highlands varied depending on the region; the interaction between Paracas and Atalla seems to have concentrated mainly on economic and non-cultural exchange, whereas sites such as Campanayuq Rumi from the Ayacucho region demonstrate evidence of Paracas cultural influence. Some possible mechanisms which might explain the observed variability in exchange patterns are explored. / Este artículo examina la evidencia sobre el intercambio de obsidiana y cinabrio, recursos altamente codiciados que viajaron en la prehistoria del Perú, desde la sierra centro-sur a la zona de la sociedad Paracas. La evidencia del intercambiode estos materiales se compara con evidencia de intercambio cultural entre la costa sur y la sierra centro-sur, material cerámico descubierto de excavaciones en el sitio arqueológico Atalla, ubicado en la región de Huancavelica, Perú. El artículo sostiene que la sierra centro-sur era parte integral de las redes de intercambio de obsidiana y cinabrio de la costa sur. En particular, el sitio de Atalla, un centro ceremonial regional conectado a las redes de interacción del Horizonte Temprano, estaba conectado económicamente con la costa sur y participaba en la esfera de interacción regional de la sierra centro-sur, pero mantuvo conexiones culturales muy fuertes con el centro de Chavín de Huántar También se sugiere que la naturaleza de las interacciones entre la sociedad de Paracas y las de la sierra centro-sur varió según la región; la interacción entre Paracas y Atalla parece concentrarse principalmente en el intercambio económico y no cultural, mientras que sitios como Campanayuq Rumi, de la región de Ayacucho, demuestran evidencia de la influencia cultural de Paracas.Se exploran algunos posibles mecanismos que podrían explicar la variabilidad observada en los patrones de intercambio.