Giessen, Univ., Diss., 2009

Zugl.: Bochum, Univ., Diss., 2005

Zugl.: Berlin, Techn. Univ., Diss., 2007

Zugl.: Berlin, Freie Univ., Diss., 2007

Univ., Diss., 2009--Giessen.

Diss. Technische Univ. Berlin, 2007. / Literaturverz. S. 648-670.

Ce travail doctoral analyse les conséquences socio-spatiales du pogrom anti-musulmans survenu à Ahmedabad (Gujarat) en 2002 et orchestré par les autorités. Ce pogrom a donné lieu à la formation d'un ghetto, soit une localité économiquement mixte et ethniquement homogène, remettant ainsi en cause les modalités traditionnelles d'organisation de l'espace en Inde. Cette remise en cause est notamment due à l'arrivée des classes musulmanes supérieures dans la localité conséquemment au pogrom, et transformant la localité en ghetto, analysé comme tel grâce aux travaux de L. Wacquant. Ce ghetto est initialement pensé comme un dispositif foucaldien de pouvoir visant à imposer la domination de la minorité musulmane. Par son truchement, le pouvoir y déploie un certain nombre de stratégies de domination de la minorité, consubstantielles à la forme ghetto.Néanmoins, à partir de 2004, les classes supérieures se mobilisent. Leurs actions, coordonnées ou pas, et analysées comme des "entreprises de mobilisation sociales" (O. Fillieule) sont autant d'initiatives de self-help conduisant au développement du ghetto. De fait, elles deviennent des "tactiques de résistance" aux stratégies de domination du pouvoir. Celles-ci apportent du changement social dans le ghetto, ce dernier étant analysé et qualifié. On en conclue notamment à la prééminence du récit identitaire séculariste, au dépend de celui islamique. On observe aussi l'existence de plus en plus prégnante des clivages de castes au sein du ghetto; ce que matérialise la formation de quartiers, dans le ghetto. / This dissertation deals with the socio-spatial consequences of the anti-Muslim pogrom of Ahmedabad (Gujarat). This took place in 2002 and was mainly masterminded by the local authorities. Encouraging the migration of Muslim high classes for security purpose, this State-led violence led to the formation of a ghetto in the outskirts of Ahmedabad, in Juhapura. Originally a deprived locality economic-wise, it becomes a ghetto following the definition coined by L. Wacquant. This ghetto is thought as a “dispositive of power”, after Michel Foucault’s work. It aims at dominating the Muslim minority. Through the ghetto, the authorities therefore applied several “strategies of power” to the Juhapura’s inhabitants. But from 2004 on, the Muslim high classes had started to get mobilized. They initiated several self-help initiatives in order to develop the area and bring basic amenities into it. They indeed lead to the development of Juhapura. These actions are thus considered as “tactics of resistance” that oppose the strategies of power. They also bring social change in Juhapura: the secularist identity discourse slowly replaces the Islamic one. In addition, the importance of caste cleavages is growing within the ghetto. This is spatialized by the formation of different districts, laid-out following the socio-economic level of their inhabitants.

Much has been said about the dysfunctional aspects of ghetto life for society generally, that processes which promote increasing social integration in society are much more functional than ghettoisation. This research set out to examine whether in fact the ghetto does perform a function for people in society. It also set out to examine the dynamics of ghetto life, specifically in relation to the nationalist West Belfast ghetto, how relationships and bonds form within the ghetto and between the ghetto and external society and how these bonds and relationships alter with time and event. These themes were examined primarily through a general study of the West Belfast area accompanied by in-depth studies of two different communities within West Belfast and a comparative in-depth study of a non ghetto community in Antrim New Town. The findings have relevance for research into community life, community conflict and ghettoisation. The main research instruments were semi-structured interviews with residents, community leaders and statutory workers in the areas concerned. These were backed up by a detailed examination of recorded documentation and an element of non-participant observation. The thesis has been divided into five main sections. The Background section sets the scene for the investigation and contains chapters examining existing literature on community life, conflict and ghettoisation, outlining the aims and methodology employed and the historical background to the geographical areas concerned. The Section on Social Organisation contains chapters examining aspects of community life in all the areas concerned and how these were reflected in community group activity. The third Section deals with Internal Dynamics and concentrates on Chapters examining Religion, Politics and Law and Order within the ghetto and comparing these to the situation in the non-ghetto community. A fourth section deals with the relationships between the ghetto and the State and its institutions and includes a Chapter on the State and the security forces. The main conclusions contained in the final chapter in the fifth and final section, are that far from being dysfunctional the ghetto has a function both in terms of the people living there and in terms of society itself; that far from being one monolithic entity the ghetto is characterised by the existence of a variety of different spectra of opinions and activities which are dynamic and alter with time and event and that relationships within the ghetto are influenced by, and they, themselves in turn influence, external factors.

I focus on the issue of ghettization of cities in the Czech Republic in my diploma thesis. Summary of the current state and methods of settling is the main point. In the theoretical part, I introduce the definition of ghettization, and furthermore, I describe the development of ghettos and the current state in the world and namely in the CR. In the practical part, I focus on the city Litvínov -- its settlement Janov, in which one of the biggest ghetto in the CR has formed in recent years. Ghettization is analyzed from the viewpoint of demography and social-economic composition. These statistics are supported with a summary of current models of solutions.

This thesis explores variations in employment outcomes among youth living under similar structural conditions of poverty and unemployment in ghetto neighbourhoods. It challenges structuralist accounts that ignore the role of personal agency and hold that structures alone determine action. The critical realist framework offers a helpful understanding of social structures as both material and cultural since human agency, or action, is influenced by circumstances that are both materially objective and culturally subjective. By probing the interaction of agency and structure this research shows that individual agency is a response to cultural beliefs and competing cultural norms. The ensuing worldview informs decisions and actions of youth which, under different cultures and material family structures, either reproduce or transform their educational and employment prospects in ghetto neighbourhoods. Ten case studies are analysed from youth in Manenberg, Cape Town, a neighbourhood that was historically segregated through the apartheid system of forced removals and resettlement. In-depth interviews provide evidence from life histories, experiences of education institutions and of looking for work. Further information is gathered from interviews with secondary participants, apart from participant observation in family and community activities through an ethnographic approach. Findings reveal that the culture of disengaged parenting leaves youth exposed only to the influence of low education and employment expectations such that they despondently relinquish career aspirations by dropping out of school, remaining unemployed and underemployed as a result. By contrast, consistent mentoring from parents entails a culture that competes with the negative influence of gangs and enables resilience among youth to pursue tertiary education. Youth thereby transform, rather than reproduce, their position in the labour market as unemployed or underemployed unskilled manual workers. Similarly, social networks beyond the neighbourhood provide youth with job information, supportive resources, and cultural capital, which enable them to conceptualise ideas of professional careers. This transforms the historical and contemporary material structure of ghetto neighbourhoods with socially isolated networks that limit youth to low-skilled employment opportunities. Such networks do not support personal agency towards alternative employment and youth resort to cultural practices of gangsterism, irregular and informal work.