The most happening in today’s world is the issue of global warming and the Arab spring. They both are matters of concern and the term globalization explains their complication. A lot of aspects in this world are inter-connected, starting from events of climate change to events of the Arab spring they all require an international response. The happenings in the Arab spring have jeopardized the common values, mutual interests and the democratic values the world is building upon. It is a huge hit to the modern society with so many existing organizations, institutions and rule of law that are contradicting these events. In consideration with these events, this paper will concentrate on EU and its institutional capability in resolving the issues of Arab spring. Regardless, that these events have a global influence. EU’s response will be reflected considering its interests in the region and geo-political location. The interpretation will have emphasis on preliminary and present EU-Syria relations in co-ordination with theory and policy conditions. The theory used in this regard will be Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) and the policy conditions that would be referred to is Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).

This thesis aimed to answer how the European Union performed as a 'global actor' in the Russia and Ukraine war from 2014 until 2022 using theoretical approaches of international relations theories. Furthermore, realist scholars define the concept of actorness as an entity capable of military decisions. At the same time, the constructivist believes that actorness is defined by other capabilities that impact the global arena. The thesis discusses the realist thinking that the European Union is not a global actor yet due to its lack of military powers. Whereas constructivism states that the European Union is a global actor, placing other means of power forward such as normative, civilian, and economic capabilities through examples. The European Union's performance as a global actor in the Russia and Ukraine conflict has not effectively stopped the war, as it has escalated despite the gradual economic sanctions imposed in 2014. The sanctions imposed by the European Union have not been effective in the past as Russia managed to blow the economic pressures over due to each other's economic interdependence. Therefore, the European Union launched its sixth package of economic sanctions in 2022 and might see success as it decided a total ban Russia's natural resources in the upcoming year. However, that remains a matter of speculation as the European Union is a global actor in progress, and the practical growth of its foreign policy is under exercise and will be discussed better in the future.

<p>This essay examines the European Union’s (EU) ability to play a leading role as a global actor on the world stage in international relations. Specifically, this essay studies the EU’s role of negotiator in the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen in December 2009.  This essay also analyzes explanations for this role. Research is based on case studies, with conclusions drawn using an inductive approach. Analyses are based on International Relations Theory, with conclusions derived from the two main approaches in IR-theory - Realism and Liberalism. It is noted that the EU wanted to play an important role in the negotiations, through leading by example and consistently working towards a common, universal treaty for all involved, which is consistent with the Liberalist approach. However, the conference ended with the American president negotiating alone with four other countries, leaving the remaining one hundred and eighty-eight countries to either accept or reject the agreement without changes. This supports the Realist approach in IR-theory.  Therefore, the essay’s overall conclusions demonstrate that both the Liberalist and Realist approaches were present during this conference. </p>

This thesis investigates and problematizes the notion of development in the context of the EU-ACP EPA agreements with a particular focus on Kenya. Official statements, documents, empirical observation and qualitative interviews conducted in Nairobi and Kagwe, Kenya in April of 2009 provide empirical data. Applying the concepts of international trade theory, capacity developments complex adaptive systems approach and supplementing these concepts with an underlying thread of axiology, this paper seeks to explore the drastically divided and widely differing definitions of the situation, world views and casual beliefs in viewing the EPA development tool for what it is vs. what it means. By problematizing the notion of development, the findings suggest that it seems as though much of the dissonance between what constitutes development, what the ‘problem’ is, why it exists, and what the ‘solution’ is, is the result of a clash between theoretical models and the informal concepts of how things get done in a particular context. Thus, it is difficult seeing the EPAs functioning as a tool for a form of development that would suit the values, norms, and voices involved in conceptualizing development.

This essay examines the European Union’s (EU) ability to play a leading role as a global actor on the world stage in international relations. Specifically, this essay studies the EU’s role of negotiator in the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen in December 2009.  This essay also analyzes explanations for this role. Research is based on case studies, with conclusions drawn using an inductive approach. Analyses are based on International Relations Theory, with conclusions derived from the two main approaches in IR-theory - Realism and Liberalism. It is noted that the EU wanted to play an important role in the negotiations, through leading by example and consistently working towards a common, universal treaty for all involved, which is consistent with the Liberalist approach. However, the conference ended with the American president negotiating alone with four other countries, leaving the remaining one hundred and eighty-eight countries to either accept or reject the agreement without changes. This supports the Realist approach in IR-theory.  Therefore, the essay’s overall conclusions demonstrate that both the Liberalist and Realist approaches were present during this conference.

This thesis deals with the process of development and completing of the EU single market. It analysis whether the development of the EU market deepens the integration in other than economical areas of the European integration and how does this process influence and improves the position of EU as an actor of international relations. The thesis compares two chosen period of time -- from 1985 to 1993 and from 2007/8 to present, and looks for such a model of EU integration development. In the chosen periods the analyse of strategic documents The White Paper on Completing the Internal Market and the Single Market acts is done. These documents are perceived as the triggers of the political integration deepening. Finally the development and state of EC/EU actorness is examined by a theory of four basic dimension of actorness taking into account its different sources. The conclusion of the thesis confirms or disproves the presented model of integration and compares the two chosen periods.

This thesis presents a case study of Microsoft Corporation’s Partners in Learning (PiL) program, an example of transnational policy authority in education, with two embedded case studies of PiL in Jordan and South Africa. The constructivist and rationalist approaches highlight the changing nature of governance through the cultural and strategic shifts that led to Microsoft’s policy role in education. Microsoft’s strategic profit interests and its corporate-social-responsibility aspiration to play a policy role in education influenced its educational footprint. From a top-down perspective, Microsoft used supranational forms of power by implementing its global PiL blueprint through similar PiL programs worldwide. From a bottom-up perspective, Microsoft used “localization practices” by engaging different subnational agents and used different strategies to gain footholds in two very different political and policy contexts. Microsoft’s top-down and bottom-up approaches link the supranational policy arena to the subnational or subgovernmental. Microsoft’s economic power and strategic engagement gave it entry into education. It gained expert authority from its extensive history and experience in education. Its expert authority was experessed through strategic relationship building through diplomacy and partnerships, policy networks, and the sharing of best practices. The company was however not able to claim absolute legitimacy because of resistance in both countries. This thesis highlights that at the governmental level, sovereignty does not disappear when transnational corporations become involved in education at the national level. Instead, nation- states become strategic sites for the restructuring of global policy roles. The Jordanian government became a public facilitator, by working with Microsoft to implement a stand-alone PiL program. The South African government became a public integrator, by implementing the PiL program within government policies and programs. Power was also redistributed within both countries, moving away from government education officials towards the monarchy in Jordan and the presidency in South Africa. The findings of the study highlight the need for corporations engaged in public education to be governed within instituted accountability measures, for appropriate partnership frameworks, and for governance tools that can both effectively engage companies in education and ensure that they work within common goals and values set out by international education organizations.

This thesis presents a case study of Microsoft Corporation’s Partners in Learning (PiL) program, an example of transnational policy authority in education, with two embedded case studies of PiL in Jordan and South Africa. The constructivist and rationalist approaches highlight the changing nature of governance through the cultural and strategic shifts that led to Microsoft’s policy role in education. Microsoft’s strategic profit interests and its corporate-social-responsibility aspiration to play a policy role in education influenced its educational footprint. From a top-down perspective, Microsoft used supranational forms of power by implementing its global PiL blueprint through similar PiL programs worldwide. From a bottom-up perspective, Microsoft used “localization practices” by engaging different subnational agents and used different strategies to gain footholds in two very different political and policy contexts. Microsoft’s top-down and bottom-up approaches link the supranational policy arena to the subnational or subgovernmental. Microsoft’s economic power and strategic engagement gave it entry into education. It gained expert authority from its extensive history and experience in education. Its expert authority was experessed through strategic relationship building through diplomacy and partnerships, policy networks, and the sharing of best practices. The company was however not able to claim absolute legitimacy because of resistance in both countries. This thesis highlights that at the governmental level, sovereignty does not disappear when transnational corporations become involved in education at the national level. Instead, nation- states become strategic sites for the restructuring of global policy roles. The Jordanian government became a public facilitator, by working with Microsoft to implement a stand-alone PiL program. The South African government became a public integrator, by implementing the PiL program within government policies and programs. Power was also redistributed within both countries, moving away from government education officials towards the monarchy in Jordan and the presidency in South Africa. The findings of the study highlight the need for corporations engaged in public education to be governed within instituted accountability measures, for appropriate partnership frameworks, and for governance tools that can both effectively engage companies in education and ensure that they work within common goals and values set out by international education organizations.